Reflections on Revolutionary Violence

Aditya Nigam has a well written article on revolutionary violence via kafila

Reflections on Revolutionary Violence

In the last one year, I have often found myself going back to a conversation I had had with a Maoist ideologue. As it happened, it was he who started interrogating me about my stand on violence. ‘So, you have become a Gandhian?’ he demanded. I must confess I was a bit taken aback, not quite able to figure out the context of this poser. ‘What do you mean by Gandhian’, I kind of mumbled. Pat came his reply: ‘Well you have been making some noises lately about Maoist violence, haven’t you?’ Suddenly it all became clear. Through this ridicule, he was trying to appeal to that part of me that still remained marxist – presumably now buried in some remote past – and to resurrect it against my ostensible ‘non-marxist’, ‘liberal’ present (for which ‘Gandhian’ was some kind of a short hand code). I found myself at a loss of words. Does a criticism of the mindless and nihilistic violence of the Maoists make one a Gandhian? Is there no space left between these two polar positions? The conversation did not go very far that day but has kept coming back to me ever since.

I must hasten to add though that in this day and age, I do not find the epithet ‘Gandhian’ atrocious as I might have two decades ago. Notwithstanding Gandhi’s completely wrong-headed approach to the struggle against caste and on matters of class, there are aspects of Gandhi that make him appear far more visionary today than any other leader, thinker or political current of his time. But more on that some other time.

The reason I have been going back to that conversation quite often lately is that I have begun to feel this disappearance of the middle ground ever more intensely. You can either be one or the other – and this choice is forced on us equally by the state as by the ‘revolutionaries.’ The last one year has furnished more and more evidence of the fact that it is the state that wants us to make this impossible choice: either you with us or you are a Maoist. We have on earlier occasions, written on Kafila about how the state has been working overtime manufacturing Maoists – branding activists like Roma in Sonbhadra or elsewhere as Maoists, arresting the likes of Binayak Sen and keeping them under indefinite detention for being a ‘Maoist’. The state’s demand is indistinguishable from that of the Maoist ideologue - an unholy and unstated compact, if you will of dividing up the political space at least in some parts of India. And the fundamental premise underlying this demand, as always, is that ‘this is a war.’

This is war indeed. You can substitute ‘Islamic terrorist’ and ‘the Nation’ for the terms above and the argument will remain structurally identical. So, this is war – war on terror for the State and a war of liberation or jehad for the revolutionaries. And haven’t we learnt that ‘all is fair’ in war. It is the logic of ‘war’ that enables the State/Nation and its security forces to stage encounters, kill, arrest and torture innocents while suppressing any critical voice as anti-national. That is what enables the state to suspend the ordinary processes of law and promulgate / invoke extraordinary laws that negate every democratic norm. It is never the ‘revolutionary’ - Maoist or Islamic or any such - who is arrested and tortured. In this neat compact, we have the perfect elimination of all middle ground - everybody is a suspected Maoist or jehadi on the one hand or an anti-national terrorist on the other. If Mao wanted his guerrillas to live among the peasant masses like fish in water, his followers have successfully dried up the river. There ain’t no water. It is thus the purely military organization of terror that stalks these parts of the country. That is why the life of the common person in the tribal areas of Chhattisgarh shares so much with that of an ordinary urban Muslim today: always at the mercy of the one or the other.

To a revolutionary – it matters little whether s/he is spurred by the ideology of ‘Maoism’, nationalism or global radical Islam – all such talk is sentimental nonsense. All talk that mourns the loss of innocent lives is nonsense precisely because it privileges the small, local, everyday joys and sorrows over the large Utopias of Liberation. Utopias that are precisely that – U-topias or nonplaces. If one sifts through the debris of twentieth century political thought and practice, one will see that violence is intrinsic to the Utopian imagination, to the desire to build the world in its own image. Stalinist socialism, Hitlerite National-Socialism, the Maoist Cultural Revolution or Pol Pot’s racial Khmer ‘socialism’ – all share one characteristic: They wanted to mould the world according to their vision and produce a frightening, monochromatic uniformity. And not surprisingly all of them drew heavily on the military imagination: Red Armies, the Sturm Abteilung or the Freikorps, the spectacles of grand parades, a militarily regimented society and what have you…

Dig deep into that debris of nineteenth and twentieth century political thought: you will not find one enduring change that this frenzied search for ‘power’ has produced. These messianic utopian movements did succeed in capturing state power but all the change that they produced – if at all – was ephemeral, as short-lived as the revolutions themselves. Democracy, universal suffrage, eight-hour working day, the civil rights struggles, the struggles against gender and caste discrimination, the recognition of different sexualities – all these are transformations that have taken place without armed vanguard militias, as part of patient, everyday struggles.

Even capitalism has changed over the last century and a half because of workers struggles and the impact of ecological movements – not because armed revolutionaries ‘captured state power.’ In fact, the greatest irony is that the impact of the seizure of power on the nature of capitalism, if any, was not where power was captured but elsewhere – in the industrialized capitalist countries, in the form of the New Deal and the welfare state. Everywhere else, former revolutionaries are ever only frantically building capitalism.

Violence, then. Of what use is it or has it been, even historically speaking? And what does it mean? Notwithstanding Mao’s ‘political power grows out of the barrel of a gun’ or Sartre’s utterly misplaced idea of violence as a cleansing force: ‘To shoot down a European is to kill two birds with one stone…there remains a dead man and a free man.’ In fact the ‘original’ Indian Maoist – the Naxalite leader Charu Mazumdar was probably closer to this Sartre than either Marx or even Mao. ‘He who has not dipped his hands in the blood of the class enemy is not worthy of being called a communist’ – that was Charu Mazumdar for you. Unlike present day Maoists, of course, Charu Babu, forbade the use of fire-arms. He prescribed smaller everyday arms used by the peasants – the sickle for example – to gruesomely kill and let the blood flow out. Many young followers would then dip their hands in that blood and paint the police stations red. Which Marx or Marxism does this notion of violence come from? It would be difficult, despite Mao’s insistence on the gun, to actually show any such instance in pre-revolution China. Former Naxalite and sociologist Rabindra Ray probably surmised correctly that this kind of ‘cult of violence’ within the early Naxalite movement derived more from Tantrism and the cults of Kali rather than from Marxism – the very indigenous roots of Naxalism, if you please. Some day a more serious investigation of this connection will have to be undertaken and it will also bring out, among other things, the facile and spurious nature of the essentialist notion of a non-violence loving, tolerant India. But that is another story.

In the first decade of the last century, Goerge Sorel responded to a series of debates on violence within the socialist movement in France and Italy. A general disgust with the compromises and betrayal by parliamentary socialist/social democratic parties permeated the militant working class movement. Revolutionary syndicalism was one of the trends that were of vital importance in the Parisian working class and which stood opposed to the idea of ‘state socialism’, advocating rather, a ‘society of associated producers’. Sorel’s tract Reflections on Violence has of course gone down in history as one of the notorious justifications of revolutionary violence but it would be worth looking at one aspect of his reflections which help put things in perspective. For Sorel does not simply justify violence of all sorts. He underlines (borrowing from Kautsky) that ‘the motive force of the revolutionary movement must also be the motive force of the ethic of the producers.’ He interprets this thesis in his own way by arguing that ‘the influence of the syndicates in labour should result from complex and sometimes distant causes, acting on the general character of the workers than from a quasi-military organization.’ In other words, it must be in tune with the life and ethic of the workers/producers – drawing on it as well as acting upon it. In a sense, this is a radical argument against ‘violence as pure means’, insisting that ‘you must be the change that you want the world to be.’ Sorel likens the worker/producer to a soldier of what he calls the ‘wars of Liberty’ – unlike the mercenary soldiers or automatons of royal armies – in that they are already ‘free men’ in spirit.

Sorel finds the same spirit ‘among working class groups who are eager for the general strike’ – ‘they picture the Revolution as an immense uprising which yet may be called individualistic; each working with the greatest possible zeal, each acting on his own account, and not troubling himself much to subordinate his conduct to a great and scientifically combined plan.’ In this release of revolutionary energy by the working class movement, Sorel sees ‘the revolutionary syndicalists’ desire to exalt the individuality of the life of the producer.’ As such, he says, ‘they run counter to the interests of politicians who want to direct the Revolution in such a way as to transmit power to a new minority.’ This appears to be the crux of the matter. Violence – revolutionary violence – can be justified if and only if, it is a mass uprising based on the unleashing of the creative revolutionary energies of the workers/producers; on no account can it be justified from this point of view if it is based on a military or quasi-military organization and led by a minority that will then usurp power ‘on behalf of’ the workers/producers. I hope it is clear by now that this notorious justification of violence by a Marxist-syndicalist is anything but Gandhian. Nonetheless, it is predicated upon a firm and unequivocal rejection of violence perpetrated by a military or a quasi-military clique in the name of the people. Historical experience since Sorel shows clearly how farsighted he (and the early 20th century Syndicalists’) was in claiming that such violence always enables a new minority to usurp power in the name of the people it claims to represent.

Many decades later, in the wake of the May 1968 uprising in Europe, Hannah Arendt revisited the field earlier scanned by Sorel. The new justifications of violence by sections of the New Left led to Arendt’s sustained reflections in her 1969 Essay, also called Reflections on Violence (later followed up by her longer exposition On Violence).
For those who may not be familiar with Arendt’s writings, let us excerpt this passage that situates violence and its place within the Marxist tradition with a fair degree of accuracy:

“The strong Marxist flavor in the rhetoric of the New Left coincides with the steady growth of the entirely non-Marxian conviction, proclaimed by Mao Tsetung, “Power grows out of the barrel of a gun.” To be sure, Marx was aware of the role of violence in history, but this role was to him secondary; not violence but the contradictions inherent in the old society brought about its end. The emergence of a new society was preceded, but not caused, by violent outbreaks, which he likened to the labor pangs that precede, but of course do not cause, the event of organic birth.”
“In the same vein, Marx regarded the state as an instrument of violence at the command of the ruling class; but the actual power of the ruling class did not consist of nor rely on violence. It was defined by the role the ruling class played in society, or more exactly, by its role in the process of production. It has often been noticed, and sometimes deplored, that the revolutionary Left, under the influence of Marx’s teachings, ruled out the use of violent means; the ‘dictatorship of the proletariat’—openly repressive in Marx’s writings—came after the revolution and was meant, like the Roman dictatorship, as a strictly limited period. Political assassination, with the exception of a few acts of individual terror perpetuated by small groups of anarchists, was mostly the prerogative of the Right, while organized armed uprisings remained the specialty of the military.”

Arendt revisits the entire terrain of Marxist and revolutionary engagement with violence and underlines that in the end, all that Sorel eventually did by way of justifying violence was to propose the ‘myth of the general strike’. What was meant to provide the only possible justification of violence in Sorel, turns out in Arendt’s profound reflections, a claim that such a revolutionary mass uprising ceases to be ‘violent’ - for this is precisely the point at which a new power is born.

In fact In the latter part of her essay, Arendt turns to what might be considered one of her most crucial theoretical interventions by proposing a distinction between ‘violence’ and ‘power’. She disaggregates the series of terms often used by political scientists and theorists almost simultaneously – power, violence, force, authority, might and strength. The most critical distinction she makes – and this is of central importance for our discussion – is that ‘Power corresponds to the human ability not just to act but to act in concert. Power is never the property of an individual; it belongs to a group and remains in existence only so long as the group keeps together.’ To quote her further:
‘Power needs no justification as it is inherent in the very existence of political communities; what, however, it does need is legitimacy… Power springs up whenever people get together and act in concert…’
‘Violence needs justification and it can be justifiable, but its justification loses in plausibility the farther away its intended end recedes into the future. No one will question the use of violence in self-defense because the danger is not only clear but present, and the end to justify the means is immediate.’

More importantly: ‘Power and violence are opposites; where the one rules absolutely, the other is absent. Violence appears where power is in jeopardy, but left to its own course its end is the disappearance of power.’

Arendt’s reflections are food for serious thought. For one thing, they draw attention to a very simple but never acknowledged fact: Violence is the symptom of the crisis of power. Put differently, when the figureheads of power lose legitimacy, violence steps in. She gestures to texts by revolutionary theorists (presumably also Engels’ ‘Introduction’ to Class Struggles in France) that talk of the difficulties of armed insurrections in the context of the ‘increased destructive capacities of weapons’ at the disposal of governments. She then proceeds to analyze this proposition. The gap between the state-owned means of violence, she argues, has always been far beyond what people can muster – beer bottles, Molotov cocktails or guns. ‘In a contest of violence against violence the superiority of the government has always been absolute’, she argues. Then what accounts for the success of revolutions? In a move as profound as it is novel, Arendt suggests that ‘this superiority lasts only so long as the power structure of the government is intact – that is so long as commands are obeyed.’

‘When this is no longer the case the situation changes rapidly. Not only is the rebellion not put down, the arms themselves change hands, sometimes within a few hours.’ When commands are no longer obeyed, the means of violence are of no use. This is the next stage of what Lenin called ‘dual power’ – the power of the soviets or counter institutions of popular power standing in opposition to state power. Not all situations of dual power will lead to a dissolution of the old power but when it happens, ‘arms themselves change hands’ and an armed uprising is no longer necessary. This is the secret of the many bloodless revolutions – including the October revolution in Russia. It is also the secret behind the fall of the Soviet empire and the fall of the Berlin wall in more recent times. When an uprising is a truly popular uprising, it has no need for armed combat. Troops themselves change sides. Just as an aside, it is important to underline that the October revolution was a really popular uprising even though the Bolsheviks themselves were a minority in the Soviets. Lenin’s ‘genius’ lay in taking over these institutions of popular power in exactly the way that Sorel feared new minorities would usurp power in the name of the people.

The question of revolutionary violence needs to be seen in this perspective. Violence – the nihilistic violence – undertaken by Maoist armies are undertaken by a handful of quasi-military dalams. Each dalam has not more than ten to fifteen fighters – that is about all. In the best of instances, dalam members constitute no more than a couple of hundred militants. Their support, if and when it exists, is because democratic channels of organizing and fighting are simply not allowed to exist by the short-sighted Indian state and the local vested interests. The Maoist ideologue with whom I began this discussion was betting on his best bet – the Indian state. He and the Indian state are in a permanent compact: each provides the other with its raison d’etre. One need only look at reports produced by Maoist sympathizers – not agents of the state – to be able to see that in regions ‘governed’ by Maoist ‘Sanghams’ (in Chhattisgarh or Gadchiroli, for instance), to see how no dissent or alternative authority is allowed to exist in these areas. What exists is an authoritarian set up where any dissenting person can only meet one fate - death. We can also see in these reports how, not unlike the fascist LTTE in Sri Lanka, families are forced to ‘contribute’ young children to ‘the movement’ (of these reports sound almost apologetic when they narrate such matters).

Critique of this kind of cult of violence is not Gandhian. It can be made from impeccably Marxist positions as well.

Commemorating 10th death Anniversary of Comrade Ashok Janaradhan

Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union.-History

Commemorating 10th death Anniversary of Comrade Ashok Janaradhan(killed on 24th JUly1998)-A tribute to Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union.

On 24th July1998 ,Comrade Ashok wrote a chapter in the history of he Revolutionary Student Movement in India through his martyrdom. He lit a red torch and spread his message like extinguishing a red light. He was a seed through which several red rosese would bloom.With 2 other Comrades ,namely Comrade Ramanaiah and Comrade Ramesh,he was killed ina fake encounter.A day before,the police arrested the 3 comrades and subjected them to severe torture.In a final climax they shot them down and threw theirbodies ,in the forests of Warangal district.

It is significant that 33 years ago on the 25th July 1975,a student of the Regional Engineering college, Waranagal ,namely Com Ashok Palle Janardhan who was working amongst the peasantry was assassinated in Giraipally forest in Medak district.

After completing his post-graduation in Commerce in 1990 from Osmania Uninersity,he chose his path.

Ina crucial phase he too on the task of general secretary of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Unio in 1992.In that period the Andhra Pradesh govt was launchinga relentless bout of repression.. Bravely,Comrade Janardhan led a struggle against the capitation fee in 1992.He guided the APRSU to devise tactics to combat the repression .This was relevant too against the Hindu fascist onslaught.A PRSU stated working in primary schools,organizing students for basic facilities under Comrdae Ashok APRSU fought against the decision to close Social Welfare Hostels, which was a legitimate right of the poor students.

In Memory of Comrade Janardah in his 10 th death anniversary yaer I wish to share the history of the glorious student organization.

Significantly in the following year in 1999 Comrades Bhujanga Reddy and Veeraswamy were similarly assassinated.Veeraswamy was the state President of the A.P.R.S U, while Bhujanga Reddy was the general Secretary.Both Comrades payed a keyrole in the building of the Organisation after the martyrdom of Comrde Janadhan.Their bodies wee dumped in Mehboobnagar district after being executed in the forests.

Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union.-History

In the 1970’s the Charu Mazumdar followers who worked through the Radical Students Union had a huge mass base and were sincere revolutionaries ,However there line was vitiated by left adventurist thought.They upheld Mao Tse Tung thought with regards to important aspects of the line bit in practice often upheld the left sectarian line with regard to mass organizations. They advocated that Mao Tse Tung Thought had to be placed in a manifesto of a mass organization.On the campus and on the field the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union led many a struggle and several comrades dipped their blood.

In the late 1970’s Go to Villages Campaigns were initiated on Maoist Lines.The Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Unioin was formed in 1974 They waged a 2 line struggle against the Progressive Democratic Students Union.It’s origin was in the Progressive Democratic Students Group led by Comrade George Reddy Te Comrdae was assassinated in in April 1972.Subsequentlythere was a conflict of political Trends.One trend was that which claimed to support the political line of Naxalbari and Srikakulam and the other’s upheld the lines of Tarimala Nagi Reddy and Chandra Pulla Reddy.One trend claimed that the student movement should build the armed agrarian revolution in the villages ,while the other claimed that the student movement should br confined to Student problems only.

The Radical Students Union trend claimed that the student movement should be linked to that of New Democratic Revolution.The Progressive Democratic Students Union supported the Agrarian Revolution but claimed that it was premature to totally integrate the revolutionary student movement with the villages. The Democratic Students Union trend led by Nagi Reddy had similar views.

The Radicals held the view that unless the present semi-feudal,semi-colonial Indian Society is abolished totally and New Democracy is built in it’s place,none of the basic problems confronting the students and people can be solved.To theem the Naxalbari Revolutionary line of Charu Mazumdar which included th e annihilation thesis had to be concluded.In February 1975 Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union held it’s first sate conference.Students from all over Telengana Region in Andhra Pradesh,especially from Karimnagar,Warangal,Khammam and Nalgonda Distructs took part in this conference in large numbers.Shortly after the conference Emergency was proclaimed in India by the Indira Gandhi Government.More than 500 Radical students were victims of inhuman torture.Hundreds of them were arrested.

In that period Comrades Janardan,Murali Mohan Anand Rao and Sudhakar in Medak District were martyred in Giraipally Forests.Similarly Comrade Nagaraju was arrested and shot.The Radical Students Union office was ransacked.The radical Students Union developed underground methods of Struggle,They took up struggles to combat the governments filtration policy of detaining school students in the pretext of raising the educational standards.Through that policy the government manipulated the unemployment figures and stated that together with that problem the problem of inadequacy of seats was solved for all the time.

The bankruptcy of the detention system was exposed Pamphlets were also distributed condemning repression on the toiling masses and secretly giving support to people’s struggles ,particularly in villages. Secretly, the revolutionary journal, “The Radical “ was brought out to co-ordinate the student movements in various regions.It wasa tribue to the Radical’s corage and political determination that they withstood the emergency onslaught.Campaigns were carried out against the black laws.In the post emergencuyperiod a major programmes were hel;d in defence of Democratic Rights.

On July 20th 1977 demanding the dismissal of the Vegal Rao’s government ,the release of all political prisoners,the scrapping of the disturbed areas act and a judicial inquiry against the false encounter killings.From all over the state students assembled in huge numbers.In 1977 the Radical Students Union introduced a change in their draft.This stated that the main political objective of the revolution should not be propogated through mass organisationjs and that mass organizations should confine themselves to partial demands.The Radical Students Union also decided to hold ‘Boycott the Elections Campaign”.

As a preparation for the 2nd state conference the boycott of elections campign was conducted in co-ordinatuion with the task of building Radical Students Union Units in every college.The 2nd stae conference was successfully held moblising 3000 delegates.In 1978 it was decided to conduct “Got to Villages Campaign”.Agrarian Revolutionary Politics was propogated in the villages. And a base was created for building a revolutionary Youth Organisation.,forming Youth League Units in every village.

Signature campigns were carried out on democratic Rigts DemandsIn June 1978 the first Ste Conference of the Andhra Pradesh Radical Youh League was held.In 1979 the 3rd stae conference was heldwhere the National and International situation was reviewded.In April,May and June in 1979 the first joint Go To Villages Campaign was held of the Radical Youth League and the Radical Students Union. This time preparatory classes were held in 15 centres in which 500 students and youth participated.

The Organisation won several victories in the College Elections In 1985 in Hyderabad Polytechnic college they were victorious in the college union elections.In 1984 they gave solidarity to the Sikasa Coal miners Struggle.They meticulously aided the strike of the Sikasa Mine workers trying to educate them wit revolutionary politics.They educated and organized the peasantry on partial demands and armed struggle and also formed units of the Radical Youth League.However although they led a huge peasant movement their line was significantly affected by left adventurism.Often their actions substituted peoples mass movements instead of substituting them.Often the masses were left as spectators.A correct policy was not adopted towards a democratic functioning revolutionary mass organization..

In the manifesto of Radical Students Union it was declared that Mao Tse Tung Thought was the guiding ideology.That is the guiding ideology of a revolutionary political p[arty and not that of a mass organization.Comrade Mao always differentiated between the party and the mass organization.Often Student cadres annihilated class enemies .True there were great sacrifices.Political study classes were held but their were strong vanguardist tendencies in the methods of working with the broad masses.

True students were educated and peasants organized but a base was not created to create revolutionary democratic functioning in a broad based mass organization.In the Go To Village Campains they educated the masses byt often the Comrades participated in killings of landlords without the broad participation of the masses.Anarchist activity like burning of railway station or busstops was also used.The Organisation took positions and conducted protest on International Issues like the Rusian Invasion of Afghanistan..They called for a world wide anti Soviet United Front.(A wrong tendency which actually applied Deng Xiaopings capitulationist 3 worlds theory)Struggles wer they led for Democratic Rights.

In 1981 they participated in a major agitation for the release of political prisoners,(Including Koondappali Seetaramiah,the peoples war leader)Meetings were held all over the state.The month of August was observed as Protest week opposing the False encounters.Significantly the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union joined hands with other progressive organization slike the A.P.C.LC,progressive Democratic Student Union,Indian Federation of Trade Unnions,Revolutionary Writers Assoosciation,Jana Natya Mandali Etc.

On August 14th Anti-Repression day was observed.In 1982 a rally was held at Hyderabad on August 18th protesting against Encounter killings.In the 1985-86 Period The Radical Students Unnion chalked out a new strategy of countering the State Repression .Secretist method of functioning would now be adopted in contrast to open methods ,however all the revolutionary politics would be propogated. .In thatPeriod Comrade Nageshwar Rao ws martyred.He was a major Comrade who was killed in a fake encounter in 1982.The 7th Radical Students Union Conference piad homage to him.

Toady the Organisation is unable to function openly.In the last decade it heroically held underground conferences.It smajor leaders have been killed. Until the late 1990’s the organization was carrying out their district conferences and held their last state .In 1996 on December 5th,6th and 7th the A.P.R.SU.held it’s 10th State Conference.12 resolutions were passed .Earlier that yaer in Eat Godavari district the organisaton conducted a “Go to Villages Campaiggn’ in Anantpur.Inspite of combing ioperatins the teams were successful.Politics of New Democratic Revolution was propogated and peole were urged to organize into Rythu Collie Sanghams.Villagers helping the students were arrested.

In the 7th state conference held in February in 1987 the expansionist policies of theCongress govt. were condemned,including the Bliapal Missile bae project and Nageshwar Rao’s death was commemorated.Mthods of Struggle were devised to combat the repression /Areport was read out of the role played by the APRSU IN Stewide issues like resvations,Karamchedu massacre,N.GO’S strike and Social WelfareHostel’s students styruggle.Political resolutions werealos launched against Rajiv Gandh’s national Chauviism, aand war hysteria used to divert the peole fro thir main styruggles.LATER IN 1987 STRUGGLES WERE LAUNCHED ON BURNING ISSUES LIKE SCHOLARSHIPS,Police were combated in campuses,.The New Education policy was aalos exposed.An Extensive propaganda campaign was alos launched against brutal state repression carried out on 50 Girijan villages in Chintapalli agency in March nad June 1987.A propaganda campaign was launched in thevilages

. In 1988 and 1999 APRSU launched struggles o issues like BC Scholarshiops,,opposing closing of BC hostels,canceling of loans of peasants,opposing the nuclear plant in Nagarjuna Sagar,opposing the 59th Amendment billStudents converged into Nagarjuna SAgar in Augaust 1988 to oppose the palnt,in a joint front with other progressive organizations.

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Go To Village Campaigns

Integrating the student movement or the student community with the peasantry was

an integral revolutionary task. Worldwide revolutions have been made with the

participation of students and youth and their integration with the struggles of

the working class and the peasantry. In a third world semi-colonial country like

India which has conditions to what China had in a pre-revolutionary period the

principal work is in the countryside and it is the peasantry which is the major

revolutionary force. For the student movement to have a truly revolutionary

political character it had to identify and unite with the peasantry in the

villages.

In 1977, ago the Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union (APRSU) made

history by launching the first ever ‘Go To Villages’ Campaign in India. What

differentiated the A.P.R.SU from other revolutionary organizations was it’s

stress on the student movement linking with the agrarian revolution.

In 1977 the Janata Party had come to power, which was hailed by quarters as a

great victory for Democracy. In the villages of Karimnagar a major campaign was

launched. Slogans were given off ‘Boycott elections and join he Agrarian

Revolution.’ The peasants of Jagtiyal and Sircilla taluks were greatly awakened.

Committees were formed and struggles were started against local landlords.

Strikes for wage increase, campaigns for the release of bonded labourers,

resistance against different types of caste and gender discrimination, occurred.

In many villages, units of the Rythu Coolie Sangham (RCS) were formed. Social

boycott of the most oppressive landlords began, and soon all the exploited and

labouring sections of the villages responded. Parallel Peoples Courts were set

up.

The following year another campaign was launched following the 2nd state

Conference of A.P.R.S.U. This time greatly inspired by the conference, peasant

youth returned to villages to organize the peasantry. Landlords were forcibly

tried in Peoples Courts. Over 800 acres of land was occupied and lakhs of rupees

collected as refunds by the landless peasants. On September 8th amass rally was

held consisting of 35000 peasants Terror was created amongst the landlord

sections and some fled to the cities. A few days in the aftermath of the rally,

the landlord of China Metupaly opened fire on a peasant demonstration, injuring

20.The peasants retaliated by destroying his crops and razing his nephew’s house

to the ground.

In April, May, June 1979 the first joint campaign was carried out between the

Radical Students Union and the Radical Youth league (RYL). This time not only

the politics of agrarian revolution was propagated but students were educated on

the Soviet backed Vietnamese aggression on Kampuchea. Propaganda team members

were arrested, and revolutionary literature was confiscated. As the students had

integrated with the tendu-leaf workers struggling for higher wages in Adilabad

district, the police arrested the youth. The repression was particularly serve

in Telengana district. The campaign culminated in the second state conference of

Radical youth League in Khammam.

In subsequent campaigns the students courageously bore the onslaught of the

police. They relentlessly propagated revolutionary politics. In 1980 they

campaigned against the Russian invasion of Afghanistan. They also pledged

solidarity with the just struggle of the Assamese people for their nationality.

In the 1981 campaign they exposed the police massacre on tribal peasants in

Indarvelli. In 1982 they pledged for the release of Comrade Kondapali

Seetharamiah and other political prisoners. A judicial enquiry was demanded for

those mowed down in false encounters. The team also mobilised workers for the

first conference of the Singaleri Mine workers .The 1983 campaign was based on

exposing the newly formed Telegu Desam Party. It was propagated that he Telegu

nationality would only be liberated through proletarian struggle-new democratic

revolution of the Proletariat. The 1984 campaign demanded the withdrawal of

Central Reserve Force troops from Telanagana district. The goonda attacks of the

A.B.V.P were also thwarted. More than one lakh signatures wee obtained on this

issue.

In all the campaigns the central theme focused on the politics of agrarian

revolution. Units of RYL and Rytu Coolie Sanghams were formed. In the 1984

campaign,1100 students and youth split into 150 teams and spread the village of

agrarian revolution in 2419 villages.

How Go To Villages campaign was carried out:

The students have to participate with a particular understanding. They must

analyze the political consciousness of the villagers. A clear political

understanding of the purpose and aim of the campaigns is required for the

campaign to be a success. Not all villages are ready for revolution. For any

revolution the existence of a revolutionary situation is only a first condition

Beyond this 3 more conditions are required They are-

1. Revolutoinary Consciousness amongst the people

2. An established leadership to lead the revolutionary movement

3. Building of a Peoples Army.

Under no circumstances should the students be bookish. They should show utmost

humility and respect the peasants. The campaigns have to be carried out with

tremendous patience. The students cannot always expect a rousing welcome. They

must win over the hearts of he peasants with the utmost patience.

The major pre-condition is revolutionary consciousness which understands that

the basic reason for poverty is that the means of production are not socialized.

This consciousness realizes that the New Democratic Revolution is essential as a

first step towards reaching the Socialist Society. Revolutionary consciousness

has to be carried out amongst the oppressed people.

There may have been errors with regards to the mass line as how the ‘Go to

Village Campaigns’ were carried out, but they were an important lesson ion

political understanding. Vanguardist tenencies, politics of ‘annihilation of the

class enemy’, incorrect relationship of the party with he mass organizations

were prominent but overall we must salute the campaigning teams whose mission

will remain a permanent place in the history of the revolutionary movement and

holding high the banner of ‘Maoism’ or Mao Tse Tung Thought’(particularly by the

Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union).

Birds Eye view of the 1984 APRSU-RYL “Go To Village Campaigns”

No of squads=150

No. of squad members=1100

No of All women squads=10

No. of women squad members=105

No. of villages covered=2419

Total population of villages covered=50,000,000

No of Sanghams organized=200

No of Signatures collected on Charter of demands=1,00,000

Land occupied in Struggles=861 acres

Slogan wall writing=1500 villages

Party literature sold=Rs.2000

Donations collected for conference=Rs.30000

No of street Corner meetings held=7000

No of public meetings=1000

Chater of demands

1. Withdraw C.R.P.F battalions

2. Solve Rayalaseema Peoples just demands

3. Condemn A.B.V.P.-R.S.S goondas attack on movement.

Repressiion on Campagns

1. ABVP-RSS Sgonda

2. Police and A.P. special police

3. Landlords of all types

Villages were raided, with peasantry threatened with dire consequences. Vigil

was kept on roadways, for information on radical squads. An All Women campaign

was captured in Ananthapur for the night. Forcibly police took finger-prints.

Illegal detentions:

1. Chitor district.

2. West Godavari district-3 squads

3. East Godavari district-1 squad

4. Vijyanagram district-2 squads

5. Nizamabad district-10 persons

6. Nalgonda district-squad abducted by landlord and handed over to the police.

7. Mahboobnagar district-R.S.S members abducted 2 squad members.

8. Khammam district.-Squad arrested


Homage to Martyrs

I end article by paying homage to the martys like Surapaneni Janardhan,Com Murlimoha Reddy,Comrade Anand Rao.Comrade Nagaraju,ComradeNarasimha Reddy,Comrdae Gajjela Gangaram,,Comrdae GangaRajam,Comrade Sheshaiah,Comrade Ramchander,Comrade Satyanarayana,Comrade Bhupathi Rao,Comrade Amarnath Narasimha Redy,Comrade Rachamallu Madhava Redddy,Comrdae Yakaiah,,Comrade Ramakanth,Comrdae ptIRUPATHI Patnaik,Comrade Nageswara Rao,Comrade Ramakrishna,Muralidhar Raju,Satish,Shyam Prasad Babu,Sreenivas,Mallikarjun,Shyam Sunder Reddy,Venkatramana,Ankam Babu RaoMadilla Swarna Latha,Nagender,Ravinder Reddy,Verraiah,Gogu Venkanna .Gajjavelli Sammanna,Puli Ramulu,Ilaiah.Sudershan Reddy,Masani Ravinder ,Sudhaker,Surender Goud,Pinninti Anjaiah,Srikanth,Rajamallu and Jayaraj.Later came Ashoke Janardhan,Veeraswamy,Shrikanth Etc.


Quote from booklet ‘History of A.P.R.S U’

‘You were the treasure of the Indian people and the glory of Radical Students Union. Grief laden tears ,tears of sorrow and indignation amazing memories and the heavy tasks you have left behind so overwhelm us that we mourn in silence.Your death is a glorious cause, the cause of the oppressed, your memory will live eternally in the hearts of the people.’

Written with reference to Booklet 'History of Andhra Pradesh Radical Students Union and various issues of Kalam-organ of the A.I R.S .F

The Naxalites -Khwaja Ahmed Abbas, Mithun- A classic movie from the 1980's

The Naxalites- A 1980 movie Part 1

Part 1 - 10 Min
Part 2 - 10 Min
Part 3 - 10 Min
Part 4 - 10 Min
Not sure if the complete movie is available...

Movie Review

The Naxalites (Mera Inquilab)

Land of Deprived and Dispossessed

Director	Khwaja Ahmed Abbus
Producer	Khwaja Ahmed Abbus
Music	Prem Dhawan
Starting	Mithun Chakraborty, Smita Patil,Nana Paliskar,Jalal Aaga,Tinu Anand, Dina Pathak, Imtiaz Khan,Dilip Raj,Pinchoo Kapoor,Yunis Parvej,Jaharlal Kaur Music: Prem Dhawan Officially Release: 1980 Language: Hindi and Bengali

Review

K.A ABBAS is a true visionary and his movies reflect the deprivations and vicissitudes of Indian masses, so don’t watch this if you don’t have stomach to watch a man being tortured as an ashtray by the cops with cigarette butts, famished peasants wondering in the lush green Bengal as they drop dead, a man selling his mother on the street as a whore, an orphan living in a grave in a cemetery, for these are the soulful but wrathful images which fill the screen in a requiem for the great Bengali nation in quest for their aspirations and deliverance in this veracious drama.

But do not expect sheer pity or divulging melodrama, as there is a genius at work here who does not want sympathy for his proud characters who want to shake the yokes of centuries of oppression but rather a passion for their dreams, which makes this a celebration for humanity. For this is the man who made the prestigious Dharti Ke Laal, the best account of the Bengal famine, as he created Shehar Or Sapna and Asman Mahal, two authentic classics of Hindi cinema, what a pity that intellect is not commercially palatable in art, so he only creates money spinners when he writes for the great showman Raj Kapoor, as Bobby and Awara are both penned by the same man. Unlike the eighties movies Mein Azaadhoun on a similar theme which become extremely melodramatic and sentimental at time.

This demonstrates that cult classic like Naxalite should never be remade into a political travesty.

But this is his final offering and it follows the trail of the infamous Naxal Bari movement which was crushed but couldn’t be finished by the hierarchy in Bengal, it was labeled as communism and anarchy when all it was trying to do was restore the basic human rights to a suffering populace, festering like an open sore on the face of India, this remains unchanged with starvation rampant in Assam, Bengal and Bihar but the only difference is likes of K.A Abbas have vanished from Indian cinema.

The story wants to wake the conscience of a silent majority who accept tyranny without protest when a minority decide to fight the carnage with violence instead and give rise to a so called terrorist organization, the protagonists here are ordinary men and women with Mithun Chakraborty and Smita Patil as the leading figures and the plot follows the struggles of its multiple figures as they render their humane sacrifices for a cause which they have swore to serve eternally.

The movie doesn’t treat itself as a doctrine in glorifying them, but rather analyses the milieu which induces their rebellion, yet once it establishes its motive, it doesn’t waste time in a political debate but quickly evolves into a script which is angry but relevant as the armed conflict ensues, unfortunately all true and what newspaper headlines reflected in the eighties and nineties, so it might be too uncomfortable for some viewers but cinematic heaven for others.

This is Mithun Chakraborty’s second Bollywood’s attempt after bagging the national award in Mrinal Sen’s Mrigaya and he is cast superbly as an orphaned grave dweller who lost his parents to the famine and is traumatized by memories of his mother having to sell her body to survive the streets of Calcutta, he is educated by a journalist into his past history ,when he is taken to watch Dharti Ki Laal, and he finds himself relating to the characters onscreen in a bewilderingly powerful sequence as Mithun nods off in boredom and then wakes up to the scenes folding out on the screen until he is passionately screaming in a genuine rage at the reality being shown in the great Dharti Ke Laal.

This was one of the earlier ventures of Smita Patil too, who is cast as an university student, a girl who wants justice for her brother, tortured to death by cops and has to prove her loyalty to the organization with murder, but it is admirable how convincingly she executes her unconventional role, as does Jalal Agha and Tinu Anand who respectively play a tribal villager and a manual rickshaw driver, both exploited at the hands of rural and urban tyrants.

The cinematography is metaphorical with simple images using earthly colors to heighten the mood of this angry drama but its level headedness is praise-worthy as it never betrays itself into becoming propaganda to resort to violence but emphasizes that if justice is denied to the poor in any civilization it will create dissension and rebellion, which is the message conveyed in this story with a multiple character plot used for the framework in this great experiment, but the technical aspects remain extremely neat though you can see the maker economizing his meager budget, despite which he comes up with an admirable social drama which also works as an action adventure but most of all it remains true to its theme and that is to show the reality in a realistic manner. BRAVO!

An authentic Auteur or an Altruistic Agitator?

(A brief Introduction of Filmmaker)

A.K.Abbas (Left Most)

K. A .Abbas was possibly the most definitive and progressive activist in Indian literature and cinema. He is an intellectual who tries to redeem and solve a paradox without making a crucial issue into pseudo intellectual paradigm, his personal life akin to his public profile is affiliated with his passion for his causes versus the eponymous vitriolic opposition of his critics.

He was immensely talented, a true altruist and even his socialist themes are euphemisms for common sufferings. He made some deeply moving and disturbing realist and experimental cinema, it is expressionist but never abstract, in comparison to the avant-garde western influences of Andy Warhol and rolling stones, he is more in league with Di-Sica and Satyajit Ray, but he is always an existentialist who blames the hierarchy and the criminals with observing the truth without taking sides visibly.

He made the following note worthy unique classics:

Shehar aur sapna

Bambai Raat ki Bahoon Mein

Do Bhoond Paani

The Naxalites

Aasman Mahal

They are all dramatic satires colloquially dressed as mainstream cinema, they amalgamate the virtues and evils of materialism against socialism and are a debate on various stoically impassive crucial issues which most people will choose to ignore, while Abbas is not a renegade or a rebel, he definitely is a reformer who wants social modification at grass root level without destroying the ultra-structure of the defined establishment.

K. A. Abbas addresses the anger of youth in an endeavor to channel it into a calm conduit without denying the failures of the judiciary and democracy in India, he discusses lack of clean drinking water, truant itinerant homeless sleeping on the sidewalk, police cruelty, incompetent bureaucracy, colonial values still rampant in modern free India and in his last most memorable movie, he investigates and details the doomed and damning NAXALITE movement, which arose in Calcutta as a direct reaction to the delusional dissent of disillusioned youth who saw no change in a free India for the common man, instead the cloak of oppression had tightened.

The cast worked free of charge, including the two stars Smita Patil and Mithun Chakraborty, it was shot on real life locations and is rumored to be based on real life anecdotes. It is a final message from an auteur to a disgruntled and discontent social milieu, which persists despite the fact; he created this 30 years ago.

I have tried to do justice to this crucial but very significant movie in my review without discussing the rights or wrongs of the actions of its vitriolic, wrathful youth and their violent acts as I believe brutality breeds brutality and the right path to harmony lies in a society where all men are equal in the eyes of law and justice, whether it is a democracy or a totalitarian regime is besides the point, if justice is denied then a system has failed it's protagonists.

This is neither correctional nor sermonizing but a profound observation from a disillusioned mind who has seen his dreams shattered before his eyes.

I hope you enjoy this review of a cult classic, which is expressionist cinema in technique, and neo-realist in content, despite being minimalist as it is shot on a shoestring budget due to financial constraints. God bless the soul of Mr.Abbas.

Maadhukari.com

In commemoration of 30 years since founding of C.P.I.(M.L) Unity Organisation

In commemoration of 30 years since founding of C.P.I.(M.L) Unity Organisation - -formed in November 1978.In memory of Comrade Ajoy.(Parimal Sen)

Introduction

In 1977 since cadres were released from jail in Jehenabad district-a historic venue of the revoluti nary peasant movement in Bihar. Cadres of the CPI (ML) from Jehanabad-Palamau region fought against the disruptionist and revisionist line put forward by Satyanarayan Singh in 1971. Also while struggling against the left line of the Bhojpur comrades, they built some roots in the area. After the release of many comrades from jail in 1977, the movement picked up momentum and was re-organised. In the self �critical review the organization resolved to build mass movements and mass organizations and launched an ideological self �rectification campaign.

They organised themselves into the CPI (ML) (Unity Organisation) in 1978.These cadres had come from the Satya Narayan Singh Ranks and opposed his analysis. In 1982 the Unity Organisation merged with a section of the COC, CPI (ML) to form the COC, CPI (ML) Party Unity.(It is the 25th anniversary year in 2007)Later he same organization merged with the C.P.IML.)Peoples War Group which in term merged with the Maoist Communist Centre to form he C.P.I.(Maoist).The most prominent role in the ormaton of theOrganisati was alyed by Comrade Parimal Sen,a crusader in he struggle for revolutionary liberation.It is just one yaer since he died so ghis compilation is a tribute to this valiant Comradfe.He first struggled in prison in the emergency days and after coming out laid the foundations for theoretical and practical struffles.He sowed the seeds of the UltimateParty Unity Group.


Even after it was founded his tenacious struggle continued when he Party Unity Organisatiion was having an internal crisis.He stood like a rock against all devaiations.He served as the haed of the Party’s functional department,contributing o theoretical literature and work on the practical field.It was ComradeParimal who led the peasants armd struggle in Nadia district.In 19788-79 earlier he played amajor role in he heroic peasnt struggle in Nadia district and alos worked in Howrah and Hooghly.In that period he alos attended to work amongst railway worksr in Orissa.In the ultimate merger of the Party Unity Group with the C.P.I.(.M.L)Peoples War and the Ultimate merger off he Peoples War Group with the Maoist Communist Centre Group Comrade Ajayad played a leading role.Ultimately he succumbed due to a severe attack of malaria.The story of his life resmbled that of a mountaineer attempting to conquer the steepest of mountaisn, bearing every hazard.


The Jehanabad-Palamau region is one of the backward regions of Bihar. In addition to cultivation, the peasants have to rely on the collection of forest produce for their subsistence. In this area the writ of the landlord lay unchallenged. The situation began to change with the entry of the Unity Organisation. Learning from their previous �left� errors special attention was paid to build a mass base for the activities of their armed squads. A peasant organisation was formed - The Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti (MKSS). All old practices were questioned and landlords� authority challenged. Struggles for wage increase, against the social oppression of women and scheduled castes, and the biggest struggles arose over the auction of forest produce..

At the Party Congress held in 1987 the COC, CPI (ML) Party Unity outlined the following tasks : “We are tackling the steadily increasing armed onslaughts of the state, through mass resistance. But gradually the squads too will have to come forward to participate in this resistance. At the phase of confiscating all lands of the landlords and on the eve of building up the guerilla zone, the activities of the squads will be the main aspect of the people�s resistance against the armed attacks of the state.”


In Bihar a huge peasant movement was the C.P.I.M.L Party Unity Group(Later merged into Peoples War group which finally merged into C.P.I.Maoist) through the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti)A major movement was led in the Jehenabad and Palamau districts.Various forms of Struggle were adopted.. Credit must be given particularly to the M.K.S. where they led broad based peseant movements.).


The C.P.I.M.L Party Unity(Now merged into C.P.I.Maoist ,earlier merged into C.P.I.M.L Peoples War) ,in my opinion played he biggest role in the mass movement. The 4 mass organisations of the group formed were the Bharat Naujavan Sabha which carried out youth struggles of historic Significance (It was a major achievement that open mass revolutionary agitations for democratic rights,against corruption,in solidarity with peasant struggles,against malpractices in jails and hospitals, were led);the Mazdooor Kisan Sangram Samiti, which developed a historic peasant revolutionary movement;the NariMukti Sanghrash Samiti, (Revolutionary Women�s Front) which built a big womens revolutionary Cultural Organisation;and the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad.(Ressurected form of the banned M.K.S.S.)


In 1994 the Party Unity Section formed it�s first ever student organization in Bihar,namely .The M.K.S.P set up village schools for Dalit peasants and alternative health facilities in addition to re-organising land and leading successful struggles for Minumum wages. The struggle of the M.K.S.S began on the question of landless peasants not being paid minumum wages.Agricultural workers were paid a paltry one seer kacchha rice per day ,while the legal payment was 4 kg.of rice per day.Major gains were established in this respect. The major struggles which these mass organisations led were in Jehanabad and Palamau districts by the Party.In many respects the braod peasant revolutionary struggles led by the Mazdur Kisan Sangram Samiti and later the Mazdur Kisan Sangrami Parishad represnted the mass revolutionary Line.Here the peasant movement had it�s most profound influence.


The Party Unity Group (In 1998 merged with C.P.I.M.L Peoples War into Peoples War Group which later merged with M.C C.Into C.P.I.Maoist in September 2004) after it�s peasant Front M.K.S S was banned in 1986 re-organised itself first into the Mazdoor Kisam Mukti Manch and then the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad. The Lok Sangram Morcha a joint front of several democratic organization led several programmers opposing repression in the form of encounters. Together with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and the M.K S.P joint anti �repression programmes were held.The revolutionary peasant movement was strengthened in Jehanabad and Palamau districts.

However the defective military line caused open democratic mass forces to be subjected to bouts of severe repression and ultimately all open activity was almost blocked..

Below I am submitting my compiled notes from a revolutionary Journal �Mukti Marg� and from reports of the P.U.D.R.The author recommends that earlier issues o the journal be obtained.The journal brilliantly reports he struggles of Bihar which portray the mass line-similar to the struggles before and when armed struggle was launched in China(Up to the early 1990�s)Later due to incorrect understanding of military line the mass movement suffered.The reports of peasant struggles are outstanding I the journal ,particulary those in Palamau and Jehenabad.I also recommend readse to raed he reports of he A.P.D.R in Wst Bengal whose excerpts are published in the E.P.W.).

Peasant Movement and Poltical Struggles


. The Jehanabad-Palamau region is one of the backward regions of Bihar. In addition to cultivation, the peasants have to rely on the collection of forest produce for their subsistence. In this area the writ of the landlord lay unchallenged. The situation began to change with the entry of the Unity Organisation. Learning from their previous �left� errors special attention was paid to build a mass base for the activities of their armed squads. A peasant organisation was formed - The Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti (MKSS).

All old practices were questioned and landlords� authority challenged. Struggles for wage increase, against the social oppression of women and scheduled castes, and the biggest struggles arose over the auction of forest produce.The incipient movement saw three of its young activists martyred on 10th August 1982. The landlords of Bhagwanpur village in Gaya district kidnaped Lakhan Manjhi (20 years), Sudeshi Manjhi (19) and Balkishore Manjhi (15) and killed them. Lakhan was an important member of the Party�s Red Squad. In May 1984 the Palamau-Aurangabad Regional Committee of the MKSS had held its conference and plans were being made for fresh attacks on the landlords . In June 1984 the movement faced a severe loss, when the popular secretary of the MKSS, Krishna Singh, was shot dead by landlords. In May 1984 the Palamau-Aurangabad Regional Committee of the MKSS had held its conference and plans were being made for fresh attacks on the landlords.


On June 17, Krishna Singh was conducting a meeting of the MKSS at Jharna in Palamau district. The local landlord and goondas attacked the meeting, opening fire. A chase began, Com. Krishna Singh allowed his comrades to get away, and fell to the enemy�s bullets. Condemnation of this murder spread in a spate of protests throughout the area. The protests led to the arrest of 35 of the hoodlums involved.Meanwhile. As the movement grew the party too put forward the perspective of building up a guerilla zone. In 1986 ,the Bihar State banned the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti, led by the Party Unity Group.This organisation had organised a strong revolutionary peasant movement ,particularly in areas of Central Bihar. The major areas were Jehanabad and Palamau districts..In 1986 a major massacre took place in Arwal in Jehanabad district.

The leaders of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad were arrested,including it’s general secretary.Office bearers Arvind Kumar,Vijaykumar and Jeetram Singh were arrested.On March 24th,1986 the policearrested Jagdeo Sharma,an activist of he M.K S S.In retaliatn the peasants converged on the streets crying�Release Jagdeo Sharma.Hundreds of peasants surrounded he police van and pulled Comrade Sharma out of the grip of the police.In this heroic act of defiance Comrdae Siddhi Ram fell as amartyr.History repeated itself in Village Bhawardah of Panki Block in 1988(20th anniversary year of resistance) when a police party was engulfed by hundreds of women opposing the police raids o villages.

The besieged policemen attempted to fire ,but were thwarted by he militant women. They snatched the us from the police and beat them up severely. In 1988 a front comprising of 7 revolutionary organisations was formed called the Lok Sangram Morcha which had it’s innaugural convention in 1988 in Rohtas district.In1989 it alsoorganised a massive convention against repression in Bihar.In 1989 the peasant organisation was ressurected in the name ok Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch.Earlier in 1988 the Bharat Naujavan Sabha had been formed to build a strong revolutionary youth movement.In 1990 a huge rallyw as joitly held bythe Lok Sangram Morcah aand the Jan Suraksha Manch(maSs front of M.C.C)

Revolutionary and democratic agitations Reference to journals like Mukti Marg.Peoples esistance EtcI n 1991 the Lok Sangram Morcha led a massive rally in Palamau district consisting of 10,000 people protesting against ‘Operation Agnidoot.’Arjun Singh,convenor of the Lok Sangram Morcha and Bharat Naujavan Sabha, Palamau convener Satish Kumar addressed the rally. In Palamau as a result of strong repression faced by the Sunlight Sena the democratic organisations protested through a protest rally. The state police attacked the protest.

Thus 7 democratic organisations made a joint front. Here a protest was also launched against the arrest of democratic jounalistAmitabh Bagchi., as the arrests of 3 activists of the Jan Mukti Parishad and the killing of 3 M.C.C activists.On 27th December in Palamau Jan Mukti Parishad held a conference protesting
against Devendra Nath Sahadev who carried out severe repression on coal workers..

The meeting was held at Brahani Bazar where comrades Satish Kumar of the Bharat Naujavan Sabha,Rajdev Ram of the Jan Mukti Parishad,Gurteshwar Singh of the Workers Struggle Front,and Mithlesh Singh of the Colliery Workers Union.This meeting had a significant impact on coal workers.

Similarly in Jehanabad districts rallies and conventions were organised. They exposed the opression on the peasantry by landlord gangs like the Bhoomi Sena,the Lorrik Sena and the Brahmarshi Sena.They also condemned ‘Operation Rakshak‘, where great police repression took place on people from all walks of life.On 30th November 1990 a massive peasant gathering was organised adressed by Arvind Kumar,leader of the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch,and Rajesh Kumar ,state convenor of the Bharat Naujavan Sabha,Bihar,Nandlal Pandit of the Lok Sangram Morcha and Arjun Prasad Singh State convenor of the Lok Sangram Morcha.

All these speakers explained the peasants the need to form a strong agrarian revolutionary peasant movement and the need for the middle peasants to unite wth the landless. Democratic resolutions were passed at the meet demanding effective dams for irrigation as well for implementation of the land ceilings Act. There was no adequate protection to the peasants during both times of drought and floods, where work had only been done to protect the vested interests of the landlords.

Demands were made for the State Government implementing adequate protection schemes against both types of disasters. It was demanded that a permanent dyke should be built on the Pun pun River in Motepur,a mor-bund should be built in Pymar river at Tedar,the Jamnai river should be cleaned and widened the Gaayghat dam of Barabar Pahad should be consolidated, the Chapadhat dyke of Jamnai should be cleaned,the Sone canal be modernised,the Gairjura land be distributed to the landless and that houses should be allotted to the needy, implementing the housing schemes.

After the convention for one month a Padyatra was taken all over the districts culminating in a conference on 27th and 28th January.From 2nd March to 30th March, a massive rally was held, comprising of cycle rallies in different areas.On 19th April a convention was held in Arwal commemorating the massacre in 1986. The prograamme culminated in Gaya where a massive conference of landless and poor peasants took place.(Informatio fro Mukti Marg,Jan-Feb 1991)

Another significant feature of the movement at that time was the jail struggles as well as struggles for democratic Rights ,particularly in Jehanabad and Palamau districts.A struggle was held in Jehanabad jail protesting against corruption of jail atrocities led by Sachidanand Prabhat.On 16th January a massive gathering was organised by the Lok Sangram Morcha and the Bharat Naujavan Sabha.A memorandum was presented to the jail authorities. In Daltonganj,in Palamau district the Bharat Naujavan Sabha led a protest against the arrest of activist Ramkeshwar Singh of the Janmukti Parishad.

About 150 youth assembled and the gathering was adressed by Satish Kumar, Bharat Naujavan Sabha convenor,Bhuvaneshwar Prasad of the Lok Sangram Morcha and Vyavsayi Singh of the Slum dwellers commiteee.Later in Palamau 3 Bharat Naujavan Sabha activists were arrested against which Lok Sangram Morcha launched a massive protest.Here a demand was also launched against the banning on revolutionary organisations in the State.

Later in 1993 a massive struggle was carried out in Daltonganj jail against malpractices. Political prisoners were denied the most basic rights. There was no proper food, water ,sleeping facilities, sanitation or medical attention. The jail administration was also hand in hand with corrupt contractors and politicians. The Indian People’s Front joined hands with the Lok Sangram Morcha and Bharat Naujavan Sabha on this issue.

The political prisoners launched a hunger strike against the T.A.D.A.3 Prisoners were transferred to Gaya jail namely Jagdev Sharma,Yugal Pal,Vinod Vidrohiand Jagdev Sharma.Prisoners protested this including the transferred convicts..At the end of the protest a memorandum was given by the organisations.What was healthy that such struggles spread to other areas and did not display individual terrorist tendencies.9i Andhra Pradesh mass fronts like the R.S U and RYL.displayed strong tendenciesAfter the unjust death sentence on the 13 activists from the M.C.C who participated in the Dalechauk Baghaura massacre.

The Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad launched a statewide protest campaigncovering Jehanabad, Gaya,Patna, Aurangabad, Daltangaunj, Gadhwa, Begususrai, and Bokaro districts. On 25th September a massive jam was carried out in Palamau.The campaign was carried out from 19th September to 25th September. On 18th May 1992 in Shankar ganj in Jehanbad district 2 activists of the Mazdur Kisan Sangrami Samiti were killed by the Bihar police.They were shot with their hands tied behind their backs. The Mazdur Kisan Mukti Manch launched a traffic jam on Arwal-Jehanbad road. On 25th May a protest was held outside the jails. On 2nd June a conference was held. Comprising of 1500 people. It was demanded that the guilty police were punished , the families of the victims compensated Rs ,50,000 each,all police camps withdrawn, all repression on democratic organizations banned.

Police camps were deployed to thwart protest. On 5th June a major rally was helped at Golambar junction in Patna.To protest against Operation Agnidoot a military offensive ruthlessly used the T.A.D.A black law. Several democratic activists were arrested. On 13th July, in Palamau,,a protest as held by the Lok Sangram Morcha,.Democratic Organizations like the Indian Peoples Front(only cadres are revolutionary),Mazdur Kisan Sangharsh Vahini,Bihar Mines democratic Workers Union participated. In Dalatngaunj,Lok Sangram Morcha,Jan Sangram Manch,and M.K.S.S protested outside a jail. On 20th June revolutionary democratic Organizations launched a massive struggle against jail malpractices in Daltangaunj. For 3 days.700 people participated. The agitation continued till 17th July. Facilities for fan,latrines,food Etc were demanded.M.C.C,Jan Mukti Parishad,Lok Sangram Morcha,.Party Unity, and Jan Suraksha Manch participated.(Taken rom Mukti Marg-Jan-Feb 1991)

In 1996 The Bharat Naujavan Sabha led a massive protest against malpractices and corruption of doctors in Daltonganj town of Palamau district. In Chainpur Bazar area Bharat Naujavan Sabha led a massive 500 people demonstration against inadequate facilities in government hospitals. The doctors hardly attended work. A memorandum was presented to the city administration against this. These organisations also participated in several campaigns against state and landlord Sena’s repression.(eg.The Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre carried out by the Ranbir Sena) On 24th November 1992 to 20th January1993 a major protest was launched against drought and corruption of state government bodies in Palamau.

It was launched by people from, 300 villages, that too in a single day. From 50 villages the headman attended .In the final public meeting 5000 people attended. In Garwah district. In Palamau-Garwah a massive police force was deployed to curb the protest. Jan Mukti Parishad activists were arrested from Garwah,Daltangaunj,and Japla Etc. A massive stir was built up demanding justice,implementaion of correct policies towards drought,punishment to corrupt contractors Etching various villages. On 29th January in Shankar Vigraha village in Jehanabad 22 Dalits was massacred .In Palamau a protest meeting in solidarity was lathi-charged in Ranchi-Daltangaunj.Here people from 15 villages carried out a massive jam. During the lathii charge the head of J.M.K.S.P leader Ramjit Mahato was severely injured. On 8th February the M.K.S.P held a huge meeting Shankar Vigha village protesting the massacre in protest.

The Jan Abhiyan Bihar(comprising of 12 democratic organizations) ,too participated .Against the massacres of the Ranbir Sena in Laxmanpur Bathe and Shankar bigha torchlight processions and cycle rallies were carried out on protest by the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and the D.S.U.In 1997 a meeting held in Jehanabad district commemorating the Russian Revolution was disrupted by the Police under the pretext of Section 144.This event took place on November 23d.Several activists were arrested. The police refused to give permission to give a public meeting. Ultimately after a strong protest a protest meeting of about 500 people was held.

This meeting was adressed by Sachidanand Prabhat of the M.K.S.P,Sandeep of the D.S.U.,Sunita of the Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti and Arjun Prasad Singh of the A.I.P.R.F.The meeting was presid4ed by comrade Pappu of the M.K.S.P.Earlier they tear a meeting carried out to commemorate the Arwal massacre was disrupted and office-bearers of the revolutionary organizations were arrested.Sachidand Prabhat,the Jehanabad District M.K.S.P secretary was badly tortured and arrested. The previous day the police killed Comrade Pawan Nat during a firing on a torch light procession carried out by the Bharat Naujavan Sabha.In this period Palamau district also experienced massive dreprssion.

The state office of the Bharat Naujavan Sabha was raided in 1997.To commemorate May Day Lok Sangram Morcha had planned to organise a public meeting commemorating the historic event on May 9th.The police blocked entry to all parts of Daltonganj town. During the meeting the police arrested 30 people including 3 Lok Sangram Morcha State committee members. On 27th April the meeting of the Harahan Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad organised at Lohar dagga on the issue of Kendu leaves was stopped by the police. On 22nd November 1998 a martyrs meeting commemorating Comrade Devlal Pal was lathi-charged by the police in Vishrampur village.Houses of peasant leaders were raided and several activists were illegally detained.

Villager's houses were razed to the ground. On 27th January 1999 a meeting of the Jharkhandi Kisan Sangrami Parishad was attacked in Panki village in Palamau.This meeting was held against Manatu,a notorious criminal .Several activists were arrested. Earlier the Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad carried out a struggle against a corrupt building development officer. A mass meeting was held mobilising 1500 people. A call was given to the masses to form a people’s court against the corrupt practices of the Building development officer

A prominent feature of repression was that of the Ranvir Sena which carried out 2 major massacres in Laxmanpur Bathe and Shankar bigha in Jehanabad districts in 1998 and 1999 respectively. The State had connived with the criminal gangs to suppress the revolutionary peasant movement. Massive State-wide protests were held condemning the massacres where progressive anddemocratic sections of various trends participated. With the Revolutionaryorganisations of the Party Unity and Maoist Communist center, various communist revolutionary organisations representing various trends participated like the C.P.I.M.LRed Flag ,the C.P.I.M.L New Democracy, the C.P.I M.L Janashakti etc.In these rallies organisations supporting the J.P.movement participated like the Jan Mukti Sangharsh Vahini.

The state wideprotests had tremendous significance in regard to the revolutionary democratic movement.What was significant that democratic organisations held a joint protest irrespective of the political trends they represented.In 1998 a Jan Abhiyan of 14 organisations was formed against State and Landlord repression. From 17th March 1999 an event of tremendous political significance took place all over Bihar. This was the state-wide anti-repression campaign by the All -India People’s Resistance Forum. This organisation did wall -writing and postering all through the State. The Jharkhand areas like Ranchi,Palamau were covered well as Jehanabad, Buxar.Gaya, Bhagalpur and Banka districts.

In Ranchi 200 people participated including a large number of intellectuals, journalists and activists associated with the Jharkhand movement. However in Daltonganj,another Jharkhand district 200 people attended but the response from intellectuals were poor. In Gaya 150 people attended while in Jehanabad the programme was banned. In Buxar 250 people assembled. In Khagaria 300 people attended and finally in Banka 100 people participared.The speakers were Arjun Prasad Singh of the All India People’s Resistance Forum,Amitabh of the Democratic Students Union,Ram Niwas Singh of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad and G.N,Saibaba all India A.I.P.R.F Secretary.

All the Speakers unequivocally condemned the nation-wide State Repression, highlighting the patronage given to the Ranbir Sena by the State in Bihar. Similarly the State Repression in Andhra Pradesh and Dandkaranya was condemned and the people were called upon to unitedly resist State Repression.This was the first time the All India People’s Resistance Forum carried out such a State-wide programme in Bihar covering the areas of Jharkhand ,North and Central Bihar.It had a positive influence on the people as never before in Bihar was such a State-wide campaign carried out against State Repression.The political Significance was that light was thrown on Repression in India as a whole.(From Peoles REsistane-oragn of A.I.P.R.F.)

In December 1999 a huge protest was organised in Patna protesting against the encounter killing of 3 Central committee members of the People’s War Group in Andhra Pradesh.A programme was separately launched by the A.I.PR.F,D.S.U,THE M.K.S.Pand the B.N.S where 10,000 people were mobilised.Another protest was held where all types of Revolutionary Democratic sections participated including the Democratic Lawyers asscosiation,the Jan Mukti Sangharsh Vahini,Philal, and revolutionary groups representing other political trends like the Janashakti,New Initiative and New Democracy Groups. Here similar to the Laxmanpur-Bathe

Massacre groups of all trends participated which has tremendous significance in the revolutionary democratic movementOn 3rd January 1993,the Jan Mukti Parishad captured a dacoit and 2 thieves. In Garwah district in Ataual Village2000 people staged a people�s court. All the looted items were rcovered.This lifted the initiative of the masses to wage a war against injustice and that it was possible to collectively punish and defeat reactionary elements .9Taken from Muti Marg (March 2000) In 1999 in Jehanbad district the Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti and the Bharat Naujavan Sabha carried out a campaign against corruption,malpractices,.

It started from Jehanabad Railway station.JaiKishore of Bharat Naujavan Sabha and Sunita of Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti addressed the gathering. This was significant as in since the late 1990s it was impossible to carry out a democratic meeting in the district. In Begusrai,around the same time a massive campaign was held, against notorious landlords Vijay Singh,Anil Singh. When the M.K.S .P began to work in the region, the landlords tried to sell their lands ,which they had stolen from the peasants who were now landless. They got in contact with the police and hired lumpens to attack the hose of a poor peasant Ram Mahto.The M.K S.P activists protested this mobilized the peasants in ameeting.on 11th August a public meeting was held, comprising of 150people.Raja Ram of the D.S U sang a cultural song and the speakers wee Yogendra Pandit and Ram Mahto.After the meeting all the peasants with great resolve and determination went back. To their original place. (Report from Mukti Marg �July-August 1999)

In 2000 with the co-peration of A.I.P.R,F forces the Jan Abhiyan �A mass democratic Front launched a massive campaign against corruption and goonda raj. Meetings were held in B.N college,PostalPark,MahenDra region.A convention was held in Patna college seminar hall.A rally was held .Organizatio s of various trends participated. unjust condition sin prisons. In 1999,took up a major campaign on issues of rape, murder and loot mobilizing 500 people in Banka-Bhagalpur.Revolutionary politics was explained .
In Vaishali a campaign was launched in November 1999,commemorating the Russian revolution and protesting against the rise in diesel prices and bus fare hikes.Arjun Prasad Singh,Chandu Prasad and Shambu Ram, of the Bhagat Singh Club presided over the programme.In Khagaria the activists organised commitees for flood relief and organised several protests to ensure effective protection to the peasantry in the time of floods.To protect the interest of the landlord classes the government took no interest in the People’s welfare.The activists helped form people’s commitees in order to enhance protection against floods.

At Malgodam Station in Khagaria town a public meeting was organised on the topic of ‘Floods.’The meeting was adressed by Gautam Mukherjee of the Bharat Naujavan Sabha, Sachidanand Prabhat of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad,Sunita of the Nari Mukti Sangharsh committee and Sanyojak Shavi of the M.K.S.P and Anil of D.S.U.A memorandum of demands was given to the adminstration.Here it was demanded that adequate boat supply was given to protect people from this calamity and that effective dams should be built.

More recent struggle led by the M.K S P in Khagaria and Bhagalpur districts
defending fishing rights.

In Khagaria the MK.S.P also led struggles protesting against the repression meted out by the Communist Party of India.The C.PI sided with the police in suppressing activists as well as used goondas to beat up the peasant activists. A meeting of 300 people was held. Later on similar grounds in Begusurai activists held a protest meeting consisting of 600 people .This meeting was adressed by Krishna Kant Singh. Later a small convention was held attended by 600 people explaining the nexus between the C.P.I and the State Police. In Begusurai the M.K.S.P carried out a land struggle against Retired magistrate Rajendra Singh and professor Vijay Singh who illegally seized land violating the land ceilings act.Under the leadership of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad the peasants re-captured 200 acres of land.

A mass meeting was held in December mobilising 500 people. Later on December 9th a mass meeting was held educating people to fight for their land rights and struggle under the banner of the Red Flag. A most significant event in Bihar’s Revolutionary politics was the merging of the Janvadi Mazdoor Kisan Samiti with the M.K.S.P in 1999..In Bhagalpurand Banka districts the J.M.K.S led a strong peasant movement. After their merging a major struggle was held to protect the peasants fishing rights in Banka.The people of Ulhi had waged several struggles for these rights. The first one was when the land was grabbed by Ram Mandal.The Second one was when Mukhia had grabbed their rights of fishing.

The peasants had then decided that the catch made by the contractor must be distributed to all the people.This management functioned effectively till 1994. In 1994 the “Daak Sunder Tudu” was re-named and the goonda Subhash Yadav started fishing with the help of his gang in the peasant�s property. He did not share his catch with anybody else. However from 8th to 10th February there was a strong dual between the villagers and the gang of Subhash Yadav.The hooligan used bombs and lethal weapons to scare the villagers. The police Thana sided with the criminal under the pretext of col144.Subhash Yadav re-began fishing.

On the 12th February 1999,the M K S P led a successful rally explaining the masses the event that took place. The peasant organisation organised the farm labour of Belhar and other surrounding areas and put up a protracted fight against Suresh Yadav and his gangs.600 people including women and children participated driving the culprits. Although the enemy was armed with guns and ammunition .The masses seized the enemy’s weapons. The peasants had won a victory. Suresh Yadav continued his antics but as an organised force the peasants consistently retaliated and defended the right to their livelihood. The class enemies continued to attempt to disunite the people, however the M.K.S.P thwarted their bid by continuously educating the peasantry.

International Issues
In 1991 protests were led by Bharat Naujavan Sabha and Lok Sangram Morcha against the U.S attacks on Iraq. A rally consisting of about 100 people was held in Daltonganj.In similar numbers rallies was held in Jehanabad. .On the author�s visit in October 2001 one of the greatest protests ever staged in the movement in Bihar took place against the American Govt�s decision to declare War after the September 11th Incident.8,000 peasant activist were mobilized particularly from Bhagalpur in protest .The author also met one Comrade of the Bharat Naujavan Sabha from Daltangonj district who reported a jail struggle led by the youth front for better facilities successfully.

Revolutionary peasant struggles for land.
Information compiled from Peop lesResistance 1995 issue-From the report on peasant struggles by the M.K S.P by Arjun Prasad Singh.Alos published in Mukti Marg issues from 1989-1993

Various struggles for partial demands and against landlord repression were led by the peasant organisation.A typical example was in Garwah district. Here the area was dominated by Rajput landlords and the people were subjected to barbaric opression.When they struggled they were trampled upon by the landlord’s Sunllight Sena who killed 4 people including a brother and 3 minor children. The people retaliated but only for the Sunlight Sena again attacking them and burning down Karui village displacing 200 families.After a long protracted struggle led by the peasant organization 6 of the Rajput landlords surrendered before the people.Under the leadership of the Parishad the displaced people captured some gair Marzua land near Karui village and a new village was called named after Shaheed Kunal .The landlord leaders got in touch with the reactionary leaders and attacked Shaheed Kunal Nagar in large numbers.,kidnapping 7 people and killing 7 people. Statewide protest took place all over the State.

Another Struggle took place in 1992 in Akbarpur village.The Samiti had entered the area in 1987 taking up the issue of a dalit Tola being razed to the ground. After 2 Bhumihar landlords had been annihilated. The M.K.S.S helped the Dalit families rebuild their houses. Later the struggle for wages was also taken up. Only after a protracted struggle did the peasants win the struggle for minimum wages. In 1992 the struggle for land began. Crop Seizure programmes were taken up and peasants were organised not to work in the houses and fields of the reactionary families. A strong economic blockade was launched.

The landlords attempted to bring their ploughs and bullocks in large numbers but their attempts were thwarted by the people. The village people seized the ploughs and bullocks. In 1993 the peasant organisation led a heroic struggle in the Palamau-Garwah region. On 25th May 1993 the peasants burnt the palatial house of Budhinarayan Sah’s,a notorious landlord who owned 1700 acres of land and who used to tie rebellious peasants to huge anthills of red ants. For over 4 years the people in the area had waged a struggle ransacking his house and seizing arms. 7,000 acres of land which he had criminally seized was re-captured by the peasants and the notorious class enemy was forced to flee the village.

This was remarkale as the Mazdur Kisan Sangrami SAmiti was banned organization and now functioning in a ressurected form.

Similarly land struggles took place in other districts of Bihar like Jehanabad,Gaya, Patna,Khagaria,Begusurai,Buxar ,Rohtas,Bhabhua and Aurangabad districts.Struggles were also carried for people’s authority.People’s courts were set up to punish guilty offenders.In Palamau 400 women set up a Jan Panchayat trying a criminal by the name of Tetar Baiga guilty of raping several women.He was sentenced to death and beaten up in public.Similarly, a landlord Jay Narayan Singh of Pariyari village in Karpi block was meted out punishment in Jehanabad district who had illegally seized land.In Rohtas district too significat struggles were held.Meetings were held mobilising 100’s of peasants.

A meeting of particular significance was held on 7th January. On 8th December 3 peasants had killed a criminal landlord element. The police used this as a pretext to repress the masses and went around villages exposing the peasants and trumping up criminal charges against them. They razed 35 houses to the ground and extorted money from the people. The fact that that elements had illegally grabbed gairmajura land was hidden.The Jan Sangram Samiti in Rohtas held a meeting exposing this. A massive protest programme was heldagainst this injustice.

In 1991 in Parasona,in Jehanabad,,22 acres of gair mazarualand controlled by a single landowner from Shaguni was captured under the leadership of the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch(resurrected form of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti) and paddy as sown.At the time of the harvest the landlord�s henchman attacked the village fired at the villagers and harvested the crop.The villagers boycotted the land for 2 years ,at the end of which the land was sold to Sudhir Kumar ,a middle-peasant owner Lodhipur.

The Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch also captured 1000 acres of land created by the shifting of the river bed of Son in Jalpura Vilage in Patna.The M.K.M.M,in addition to struggles for fair wages ,took up issues directly connected to the development of agriculture.It formed a struggle committee that took up the task of building the 9km dam across the Tenar in Arwal block.Community labour from the surrounding villages was organized..

Struggles against Communalsim(opposing thedestroying of the Babri Masjid)-Copiled from Mukti Marg May-June1993 issue

After the destruction of the Babri Masjid on December 6th 1992 by the Kar Sevaks the Bharat Naujavan Sabha launched a massive anti-communal campaign all through the State.In Daltonganj The youth front launched a cycle rally in protest.Bajrang Dal goondas tried to intimidate the activists but the youth carried out heroic self-defence and drove away the reactionaries.In Jehanabad the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch carried out an anti -communal cycle rally covering a distance of 125 Km.covering more than 15 blocks from 1st February to 15th February..In Gaya the Bharat Naujavan Sabha launched cultural programmes against the communal holocaust.A similar programme took place carried out by the Bharat Naujavan Sabha and other progressive organisations in Bokaro.These programmes were significant in regard to the revolutionary democratic struggle against Communalism.

Struggles for Trade Union Rights
. A memorandum was presented to the Bihar govt..On the trade Union Front, the Bihar Mines democratic Workers Union on 18th May staged a public meeting, in which Japla Cement factory workers and neighbouring mine workers participated. A demand was placed asking for the re-starting of the closed Japla Factory and the Balliya quarry.Electricity,water,cleanliness,was also demanded.The Japla Cement factory as closed and thousands of workers who had made immense sacrifices lost their jobs. From 29 th September 1985 to 14th August 1990 it was closed.4000 workers died out of hunger.Workers made sacrifices of great proportions to have kept the factory running, denying themselves the govt.compensation of RS.13 crore. Later all over Jehanabad,there was a mass campaign condemning the murder.


Programs commemorating martyrs-Compiled from Mukti Marg May-June 1993 and
Mukti Marg 1992

Other frequent types of political programmes were commemoration meetings launched in memory of Martyrs in the revolutionary peasant movement. The most significant of these was the commemoration meeting of Comrade Krishna Singh who died in 1984.(report obtained fro Mukti Marg May-June 1993) This programme was conducted in his native village Badem in Jehanabad on 12th June.A huge rally comprising of 10,000 people took place. People came from 12 districts. Slogans were raised in memory of the beloved comrade and a flag was hoisted in his honour.

This programme was presided by Dadachi Ray,the State Lok Sangram Morcha convenor. As well as his father Rajdev Singh.Earlier a public meeting was held adressed by Satish of Bharat Naujavan Sangh as well as Ranjit and Navlesh, Janmukti Parishad’s Rajdev Ram, Sachidanand Prabhat,office -bearer of the Jehanabad Gaya section of the Mazdoor Kisan Mukti Manch,Gupteshwar Singh and Arjun Prasad Singh of the Lok Sangram Morcha. And Kiran of the Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti.In Jehanabad jail too a commemoration meeting was held. Other significant martyrdom programmes were those commemorating martyrs Pankaj, Manju and Aditya .

A rally was held in Palamau attended by 4,000 people on 22nd March 1992. It was conducted by Bharat Naujavan Sabha and Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti.This programme was adressed by Satish ,Chanchal and Sanju of Bharat Naujavan Sabha,Sachidanand Prabhat of the M.K.K.M.and Kiran of the Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti.The rally was lathi-charged by the police and a protest meeting was launched in Daltangaunj on 2nd April by Bharat Naujavan Sabha.On 22nd March protestors stopped the Palamau express.

After this commemoration programmes were also held commemorating comrades Jagdish Paswan who was killed by activists of the Liberation group.Similarly programmes were held for comrades Rajdev Das and Mukhiya (Also killed by Liberation activists),martyrs in the peasant movement.(report from Mukti Marg July-Augus1992)
In July 1993 Comrade Suresh Thakur was martyred at the hands of the Liberation Group.They went to his house and murdered him.On 11th March his martyrdom was commemorated in Bhojpur in Baruhi village.Dadichay Ray ,Sachidanand Prabhat and Amitabh.(Bharat Naujavan Sabha)adressed the gathering.

On the day of heArwal massacre in commemoration in April 1993 a meeting was held by the Mazdur Kisan Mukti ManchAshok Sing addressed the gathering as well as Lok Sangram Morcha leader ,Sacidanad Prabhat:Kiran,activist of Nari Mukti Sangharsh Samiti:Bihar democratic mine workers Union activist Bhuvaneshwar Singh, attended by about 600 people .

Other commemorative meetings were held for Comrades Jagdish Pasawn I Sidhpur (activist of M.K S S,martyred at the hands of Liberation goons),Comrdae Mukhiya in I Khirimud,.A meeting was held in memory of Comrades Pankaj,Manju and Aditya on 22nd March in 1993 in Daltonganj It had ahuge response A huge rally was held.(The previous yaer it had been commemorated by Jan Mukti Parishad)4000 people participated.
Partial Struggles-Compiled from Mukti MargJul-Aug. 1992 issue

In 1992 a major programme was launched by he Mazdur Kisan Mukti Manch on 30thMayin Gaya on he issue of building a pipeline.Ruling class partiesneglected all the demands of the peole likeLanad and watr.The Taylor Sangharsh Samiti was inspired by the M.K.M.M.One of the biggest ever rallies was launched with of red Flags raised in the air..People were organized with digging instruments.Lok SDangram Morcha played a major role under the leadership of Arjun Prasda Singh.Cultural Programmes were launched.Peasanst and workers resolved to dig the pipeline themselves.2000 people were organized.Participating Organisations were the Mazdur Kisan Mukti Manch ,the Lok Sangra Morcha .

Developments
1994 the peasant organisation was re-named the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad.In this year the Party Unity launched their student front the Democratic Students Union. In this year Bharat Naujavan Sabha had it’s innaugural State conference. Here Gautam Mukherjee was made the president.The conference was attended by 6,ooo people.Another event of Political ,significance during this period was the formation of the All-India People’s Resistance Forum which now functioned actively in Bihar.

As the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad a strong revolutionary peasant movement existed but the Party Unity’s frontal organisation had to resort principally to underground functioning., particularly in Jehanabad and Palamau districts. Most of the open programmes were conducted by the All India Peoples Resistance Forum, Bharat Naujavan Sabha and the DemocraticStudents Union. The Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad led a martyr�s memorial meeting on August 15th in Panky in Palamau-Garwah district commemorating the martyrdom of comrades. This meeting was presided by Rajdev Ram of the M.K.S.P.All speakers condemned repression on the peasant movement. During this period the youth and Student organisations worked amongst the peasantry through carrying out ‘Go to Village Campaigns.’.. Jharkand Issue

Compiled fro Mukti Marg Sept-Oct.1997 issue
The other event of enormous political Significance was the movement for a separate Jharkhand. The revolutionary forces consistently supported this movement and various functions were presided over this issue. The prominent Jharkhand areas of the movement were Ranchi, Palamau and Bokaro.In 1987 the Jharkhand co-ordination committee was formed giving a political perspective to the movement. However due to the opportunist attitude of the leadership it ceased to function after having talks with the Central Government.

The State Government played a trick forming the Jharkhand Autonomous Council winning over all the stalwarts of Jharkhand like Ram Dayal Munda,Sanjay Basu Mallik and other revolutionary ideologues. In a very difficult political situation the Jharkhand Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad and the Hul Jharkhand Kranti Dal planned to intervene. A joint seminar and rally was held mobilising people from all over Jharkhand in Ranchi.Here 3000 people assembled from Ranchi, Dhabi, Singh bum, Jamshedpur, Bokaro, Gumla, Lohargada, Palamau, Garhwa, Hazaribagh and other districts. In the convention Lewa Chand Tedu,the old and reknowned fighters of the Midnapur and Jharkhand struggles,participated.

The chief guest of the meeting was Comrade Darshan Pal.He spoke on the need of co-ordinating the movement of Jharkhand and other nationalities with the ongoing democratic andrevolutionary movements of the Country.He also said that the attainment of the Statehood of Jharkhand would provide no solution to the basic problems of the people of Jharkhand,so people should fight for a new Jharkhand in a new federal democratic India. Later Arjun Prasad Singh spoke on the need of raising the political consciousness of the people of Jharkhand and Shambu Mahatoof the Hul Jharkhand Kranti Dal pointed the importance of targeting imperialism. As the main enemy.He recalled the glorious history of the Jharkhand movement.

The following day a seminar was held analysing the polemical aspects of the Jharkhand struggle from a Marxist -Leninist point of view.This was presided by Shambu Mahato of the H.K.K.D and Shridhar of the J.M.K.S.P.In the post 1994 period the Mazdoor Sangrami Parishad did significant work in Khagaria and Begusurai districts and Banka districts.



The Emergence of revolutionary student organisations was of greatsignificance in Bihar.

Revolutionary Student Movement in Bihar.
Information based o reports from revolutionarystudent journal �Kalam� and activists of Democratic Students Union.The 1996,1997,1998 and 1999 issues of Kalam have been referred to

In 1994 the Party Unity section formed their first ever revolutionary student organisation in Bihar which was the Democratic Students Union.(The D.S.U.)This had its roots in the Bharat Naujavan Sabha formed in 1988.TheBharat Naujavan Sabha earlier fought for the students and youth collectively.
For the first time a separate organizational structure was built for students. Several former Bharat Naujavan Sabha activists took up the responsibility of building D.S.U. The strategy of the Democratic Students Union was to organise students on their partial demands as well as connect their problems to the chief political issues of the day. The student movement had to be oriented towards the interests of the agrarian revolution. For achieving the task the Democratic Students Union took up the responsibility of organizing �Go to Village Campaigns�. Democratic Students Union also planned to fight against imperialism. as well as democratic
issues.

In the colleges the D.S.U fought against malpractices in Arts colleges as well as engineering colleges. In these institutions unqualified teachers and principals were appointed. Funds were misappropriated by managements. In the Patna Arts College the Principal even stole paintings.D.S.U organised agitations agains this.D.S.U D.S.U declared a lockout in the college not allowing principals and teachers to enter the college.Waris Hadi was made principal in 1994 as he had political links with the governor of Bihar.He sold paintings and illegally appointed several people irrespective of merit. including a lecturer who faced a murder charge. After a protracted student struggle the principal was removed. The president of the then students union was rusticated from the university due to complete collapse of administrative structure in the college. The college was not de-affiliated from the

All India technical Services board which badly affected students.

The D.S.U organised agitations against indifference and politicking in Patna University.70students sat on a dharna for 5 daysand a poster exhibition was organised.Programmes were taken jointly with A.I.S.F,the S.F.I and the A.I.D.S.O. fighting for student�s admissions.Dharnas were held against malpractices and corruption. Agitations were also launched against fee hikes. Such examples are in Daltonganj where the students had to clash with the C.P.R.F personnel.

In Patna engineering college the students launched a 6 day hunger strike demanding the opening of a college which had been opened earlier.D.S.U gave soli darity to this issue and burnt an effigy of the education minister.

In the Jharkand areas D.S.U led struggles for tribals in schools to be taught in their native languages.In these areas D.S.U launched agitations for tribal students who were denied the right to learn in their native languages. The D.S.U also fought for democratic rights issues.Very often D.S.U organise cycle rallies as a form of protest.The most significant agitations were against police firings in Madhubani and Darsinghsarai areas of Bihar.Here D.S.U joined hands with even the revisionist student organisations as well as the Chatra Sangharsh Yuva Vahini.This took place in 1995.

The D.S.U also protested against the death sentence imposed
on the 13 M.CC activists in 1992.Here the D.S.U joined hands with the Revolutionary Students League and the Progresive Students and Youth front.(The 2 other revolutionary student organisations) After the Laxmanpur-Bathe massacre carried out by the Ranbir Sena the D.S.U Along with the Bharat Naujavan Sangh organised protests throughout the state.In Daltonganj,Jehanabad,Gaya,Khagaria torchlight processions were launched.In conditions of severe repression protests were launched.D.S.U joined
several revolutionary organizations this issue.

In 1997 D.S.U protested against the killing of 6 Party Unity activists. In Patna they burned the effigy of the chief minister.D.S.U also held commemoration programmes of the Arwal massacre that took place in 1986.In 1996 a protest meeting was clamped upon by the police and revolutionary activists were arrested. Afer the killing of Comrade Chandrashekar ,a student of J.N.U IN Delhi D.S.U launched protest programmes along with other organisations.In Jehanabad with A.I.D.S.O protests were organised in the form of torchlight processions.

In 1999,D.S.U with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha took out a cycle rally from Daltangaunj to Patna protesting against the Shankar bigha massacre. Earlier in Daltonganj an effigy of the chief minister was burnt. In March 2000 D.SU led a protest with other revolutionary organisations protesting the murder of 11 revolutionaries in Kachnewan.An effigy of the Bihar administration was burnt at Patna junction.D.S.U.also participated in the march to Kachnewan as well as on a protest demonstration on April 6th.

From 1995 the D.S.U Organised�Go to Village Campaigns.� These have been conducted on district as well as state levels. Their were 3 types of campaigns launched. The first was on specific political issues. The second type was a general political campaign and the third type was launching cultural programmes.The purpose of these programmes was to integrate the students and youth with the peasantry. In the first campaign in Gumrah district 6 D.S.U activists were arrested campaigning for Beedi Patta workers.The activists were organising the Beedi Patta workers against the merciless contractors who did not pay them their daily wages.

The next state-wide campaign took place in 1997 in Khagaria district which is a flood prone region.Here the D.SU formed flood relief distribution commitees and explained the peasants the political reasons for which the state could not give common people protection.The flood relief programmes of the government were found to be totally inadequate and the government gave a ready excuse that Nepal has let off water.Infact the real reason was that the landlords did not allow the construction of dams at sites which would have been appropriate because those sites were falling within their lands.Infact the dam mechanism in the state was create only with the purpose of preventing waterlogging and not for flood control. In addition the boatmen were not paid their wages for the relief work.

At the end of the campaign the team held public meetings and dharma demanding an end to corruption and compensation for boatmen .

In 1998 the D,S.U with the Bharat Naujavan Sabha visited areas in Buxar ,Palamau Santhal Paraganas and Khagaria districts.In Buxar sustained wall-writing was carried out by activists protesting against the landlords not paying minumum wages to agricultural workers.They were paid wages between Rs.15 to 30.Landlords here possessed 5,000 acres of land and religious Maths owned hundreds of acres.districts.In Santhal Parganas the D.S.U fought for the implementation of a separate Jharkhand State.

In Palamau, a centre of the revolutionary peasant movement the D.S.U fought against the construction of a dam which submerged 14 villages.20 people had been killed in the flood the previous year and no compensation was awarded.In Khagaria activists again propagated the real reasons for adequate protection being given to people during floods. The wrong policies of the government were explained. This time �Bandh Sangharsh commitees were formed in villages which held several protest meetings againt corruption.

The last state-wide campaign took place in the Bhagalpur and Bankadistricts.Here the activists gave solidarity to peasant�s struggles and propagated the politics of Naxalbari and agrarian revolution..

In May 2000 the D.S.U held its first state conference in Patna..Students came from all over the state the maximum number coming from Palamau and Jehanabad and Bhagalpur districts in the former 2 districts students faced severe repression on the way to the conference. In addition students came from Buxar,Gaya,Khagariadistricts etc.Before the State conference district conferences were held in Bhagalpur.Patna town and Palamau districts.Here district commitees were formed and the district activities were reviewed.

At the State conference Comrade Amitabh was elected the President and Vijay ,the secretay.A 6 member committee consisting of Amitabh,Sachin,Sumit,Pankaj,Vijay and Jaiprakash were elected. Resolutions were passed opposing privatization and communalization of education, opposing the repression on revolutionary movements and supporting the rights of nationalities to self-determination. 2 State-wide workshops were also carried out by the Democratic Students Union. The first one was held in 1999 to discuss organizational functioning, the building of unitspolititicisation methods and finance.

Here principally the appropriate forms of struggle were discussed. It was decided that educational institutions were neglected and a regular wall magazine should be brought out in addition to cultural programmes.It was also noted that regular commitees were not formed in several places In the 2nd workshop in February 2000 study classes were held on the history of the Communist movement in India, the State of Education, and dialectical materialism. Delegates attended from Gaya.Palamau ,Bhagalpur and Patna.

One of the most significant things that occurred was the merger of the Progressive Students and Youth Front with the D.S.U.The former organisation had a strong mass base in Bhagalpur district leading powerful agitations against fee-hikes and corruption in Bhagalpur University. This organisation also held a massive programme for Tilka Majhi�s birthday to be observed in Bhagalpur university.
Several times the organisation organised gheraoes against the vice-chancellor for hostel demands. After merging into D.S.U the organisation launched a massive demonstration against the administration in Bhagalpur university house -�arresting corrupt officials. The emergence of the Democratic Students Union has played a significant role in the revolutionary movement in Bihar. Innumerable sacrifices have been made by activists.

The martyrdom of comrades Anil Ojha and Chanchal were particularly significant.Anil Ojha was killed as a result of police torture after organising a student agitation against malpractices of the principal in Patna Arts College.Chanchal played a great role in organising D.S.U units in Jehanabad districts as well as building the Bharat Naujavan Sabha.Eventually he was killed by his own relatives.

However the movement has had several setbacks.As a result of severe repression by the state on the peasant movement the D.S.U has been unable to function openly in many areas of the State. The best examples are Palamau and Jehanabad.Here activists have often been arrested for carrying out open prograames.Even in Khagaria the D.SU which earlier had a unit has been unable to function. The only prominent areas of functioning are in Bhagalpur and Patna. Although activists have made heroic political sacrifices as a result of the powerful left-sectarian trend in the movement various weaknesses have occurred in the movement.

More recent struggles

Lawyers Movement
Another significant development in the movement in Bihar was the formation of a Democratic Lawyers Organisation called the Radical Lawyers forum in Patna High Court. It pledged to give solidarity to the revolutionary peasant movement by fighting against the ban undemocratic organizations and for the release of wrongly convicted prisoners. They also appealed against for the termination of group clashes between the C.P.I.M.L(Peoples War Group)and the M.C C.

The Lawyers who predominantly participated I the formation were Ved Prakash, VisheshwarRam,Medni Kant Jha,Umanath Mishraa,d B.S Upadhya.They pledged against fighting for the repeal of Black Laws, for the democratic rights for political prisoners in jail, for rights of women Etc.They condemned the false encounter in Rajaun Thana in Banka District. Such a Lawyers organization is important for the protection of democratic rights and some good work was done in court.

Research on the Movement by Scholar Bela Bhatia

Social activist and rsearch worker Bela Bhatia interviewed activists of the Mazdoor Kisan angram Samiti(M.K S S.).Below I am quoting an excerpt fro her interview.
�Feudalismwill have to be rooted out steadily,otherwise it will uprootyou.It lies like a shadow to every person and untiolit is rooted out revolution canot be achieved.

Before the organization came we did not have knowledge. The organization gave us education regarding the present system and he need to overthrow it.India is a semi-colonial and semi-feudal Country. There is foreign
capital also in our country. We have o en this foreign capital an utilize the capital of our own country.T he downtrodden people have to rise above the system.Each individual should get education. We got books to read about Marx,Lenin and Mao

From these we learnt that Mao was a revolutionary and so were Lenin and Mao Tse Tungse read alittele about all the 3.We have not read a lot but understood that what Marx and Lenin wanted to say was that this rotten system should be destroyed, the exploitation of one human being by another should end, human kin should be liberated from this. This is what the leaders have to say.

Below I am publishing some testimonies of leading members of the M.K S.S on revolutionary violence.

"Without arms we feel that we shall not be able to fight. With arms we feel confident ,we will have the power. We fell that we will be able to settle he fight. If e do not have the armed power ,then how will we counter the Landlord�s anger. Can his anger be countered by wagging our finger at him?

Without armed power it is impossible to ensure peoples protection. If we do not have arms then no one will take our committee seriously. Each will do according to his will. They will think �What can they do to us.� When this power is their,they will fear.They know that if thy do not obey us the we have the power to destroy them.
There will be lot of problems. We may even be killed During this period ,many have been matyred .Seeds are sown I he field in hope that they will grow. Similarly, with a dream of Socialism we are walking.

The poesession of arms helped resolve some conflicts without actual resort to violence In Nyona village a wage issue was resolved peacefully because of the armed capacity of the organisation. A villager stated �Because we have arms ,the zamindars have shrunk with fear. Also gangs of bandits and dacoits ,who used to lot peole�s houses ,have been vanquished. Because of the atrocities ,the people used to feel very insecure. This has come to an end.

I am quoting another passage fro Bela Bhatia'sinterview. A senior memer of the M.K S S stated: In 1979 there was an atmosphere of terror in the villages due to the feudal forces and criminal gangs.Even though he labourers had heard about us they we too scared to call us. However we were able to establish contact with few members of he J.P Movement,and asked him to arrange a meeting with few labourers introducing us as individuals who belonged to a party of the poor.On the agreed day we met at midnight In the fields. Instead of meeting a small group we met about 50 men.They were armed with lathis ,bhals and gadasas.

The terrorized villagers explained that they would have taken the activists to the village but it was too risky.The �Maliks� had warned them that they would be severely punished if they brought he naxalites to the village..We activisists,emphasized the issues of izzat,wages,land abd basic democratic rights,but explained that it could only be done by our own strength. The People understood this stating, �We have understood .You are Naxalites,you talk about strength.�
People now started coming in large numbrs.At first they were hesitant to speak out.

Finally one of them spoke out,�We will now be coming to the meeting,expecting each time to get arms.If you are demanding confrontation and armed revolution,should you not provide us with arms.�Thus ,I actual fact, they were demanding arms.�
Such incidents show the mass approach of the M.K S.S

Miltary actions by Party Unity.
This year is 20 years since the group held it�s conference. At the Party Congress held in 1987 the COC, CPI (ML) Party Unity outlined the following tasks : “We are tackling the steadily increasing armed onslaughts of the state, through mass resistance. But gradually the squads too will have to come forward to participate in this resistance. At the phase of confiscating all lands of the landlords and on the eve of building up the guerilla zone, the activities of the squads will be the main aspect of the people�s resistance against the armed attacks of the state.” The organisiation led significant struggles in Jehenabad region. and launched some significant armed actions. Several Comrades were martyred.

In the Indo region of Masaudhi,on 23rd April 6 commandes of a squad were martyred. Comrades Lalit Manjhi, Brind Paswan Lakahn, LalBihari, Surendra Ravidas, Ramprasad Yadav and Chenga Manjhi were martyred.All of the were under 18 years of age. In Indo the Police colluded with the Ranbir Sena and
staged their camps. They used landlord senas.To combat he landlord gangs the Party Unity squad on 1st February retaliayed and punished the goonda elements o February 1st 1997.

Report from 1996 Journal of "Party Unity" In Malabar village of Palamau region in Vishrampur Thana the P.U squad carried out an action on 3 Jawans .A huge battle too place between the armed squad and the police.The squad eventually seized the rifles from he police.The Malabar region and it�s surrounding areas has a history of police �landlord repression .The Sunlight Sena was very active in this part.

In 1991 a Police Camp was staged in this region.The Party Unity squad did creditable work in isolating the Sunlight Serna gangs ,A little after the Malabar encounter ,police repression began in Palamau. In Murumdag village in Chatarpur Thana 6 Comrades of Party Unity fell.Later 2 more members were assassinated. In Rohats district 2 further comrades wee mowed down.

Malabar region was chosen as it was the birthplace of the Sunlight Sena.From here the Sunligt Sena spread to Aurangabad,,Hazirabag and Chatra.Major repression was launched o the peole of Malabar on 4th June
1991.By 1994,this spread to Belahar,. The organization made a self-critical analysis of their action.Their goal was to seize arms As result of incorrect tactical operation 2 comrades were sacrificed in it�s view..

The organsiation resolved

1.All repressin on the peasnt movement be stopped.

2.The Police force must stop protecting the Sunlight Sena.

3.All police camps should be withdrawn from districts.

4.To lift the ban on revolutionary organsiatins

5.The killers of he omrades in Chatarpur and Rohats should be unished

6.To compensate all he families whose memberswee killed in Malabar,Belhar,Pandipur, and neighbouring areas.All hose esponsible for the killings should be punished.
Work was alos done to establisg uerilla Zones I the Koyal-Kemur Zone.

The Party did lot of work promoting the slogan of �boycottting the election.�In 1996 a major campaign was carried out on the commemorating day of the Arwal massacre in 1996 in Gaya A big cultural programme was led in Magadh region./
2 major military confrontations were staged in Gulzarbigha and Chatarpur.For some moths t Police battalions launched capms in Gulzarbigha and Chatarpur.Mass organisatin struggles were suppressed and activists continuous ly arrestd.Combing operations wre launched and police camps weres staged.AT THE Daltonganj-DEhri railway station the people staged ablockade. civilian train was burnt in Chatarpurand at Bhagavanganj an ambush was launched killing 3 policeman .On 14th June a police Picketwas assaulted by aparty armeds quad ,where 3 policemen fell.

In 1996 Significantly in their review in the state Conference,they analsyed that the party organization was significantly weak and needed to consolidate itself.Political and Organsiatonal work had to be consolidated. was weak and their was need to strengthen he peasant organization.It was alos decided in the fist state conference that it would work o strengthening the movement in the plain and jungle aaes.Both these zones had weaknesses.

Work had started in the Magadh zone .In Jehenabad the organization had to combat he wrath of he tyrant Mahendra Singh who captured thousands of acres of Gir Mazura land.A major land struggle was led against him .The party activists captured the land and warned Mahendra Singh that until he returned the captured land ,he would not be allowed to sell anypart of his alnd.In Mukhdanpur ,in Jehanabad similarly land was captured from landlord Shivdeni Singh.

1.To build Peoples Rule and democratic alternative.Fothis amajor movement has to be launched against the state.

2.To merge he Koyal-Kemur Zone after guerila Zones have been established in both the regions. After that work should spread to other districts.

3.Make North Bihar aRed Resistance Area.

4.Oppose black laws on he revolutionary Movement and military repression.

5.Peoples Courts should be established

6.To combat the sstate launch aPeoles Resistance Movement .In this light ti incraes the peasant�s movements.
Fight for the demands of fJunle and land and building of peasnt organsiations.Fight struggles fro m the garssroot stage.

7.Fight for revolutionary ideology,politics, and implementi ng the Party Programme.
On 14th April 1996 6 Party Unity Squads were killed in false encounter Comrade Ramsham Bhiah,Biruj Pasawn,Prabhu Paswan,Vinay Yadav,Avad betah and Pyari Bhuiah were matyred.on 30th December 1995 Comrade Dinkar was martyred,sadly at the hands of the M.C.C.

He was a commander of the Arwa area ,who played a great role in the revolutionary movement.On 3rd June a Party Unity squad was attacked in Palamau who were leading the Beedi-Patta struggle..A police party attacked the squad.In the process Comrdae Guddu and Comrdae Ajay fell.Both of them belonged to Japla district.They joined the movement at the age of 13 years.

On 14th June Comrades Annnirudh nad Amrut were martyred in a police picket at Malabar.

On 23rd April in Masaudi,in Patna district 6 Party Unity squad members laid down their lives.Of these the most prominent were Comades Lalit Manjhi and Upkumar Bund Pasdwan .The other comrades were Commander Lalit Manjhi,(22 yrs)Comrade Ramprasad Yadav(Umesh-19 yrs),Comrade Surendra Ravidas(9yrs )and Comrade Chenga Manjhi(14yrs).A ll thes comrades were valiant fighter against the tyranny of landlordism in Central Bihar,particularly against the Ranvir Sena.

In this incident thes quiad members made aheroic attempt to save he lives of othr comrades .Such comrades area heroic inspiration to the revlutinary movement sacrificing their lives at sucha youing age.In memory of hem in Indo village (Masaudhi district) a commemoration meeting as held .Slogans were chanted such as “Indo Ke Veer Shaheedo o Laal Sallam”;,”Long Live Peole’s Liberation’, ‘New Democartic Revolution Zindabad, ‘Long Live the dreanms of the Indo Martyrs’.The peole respobded with graet zeal and enthusiasm and I appeare as though ared flame was burning I their hearts.

Relationship between the Maoist Communist Centre.and Party Unity Group in the mid and late1990s-group clashes

Below I AM Quoting the views of a Party Unity Spokesman from journal MuktiMarg/ �From 1980-81 a relationship was built up between the 2 parties.Both groups worked in heir respective districts.Both groups cadres and squads respected each other.In the P�U� view when heys aw the dangerof clashes emerging they
warned their own cadres not to clash with the M.C.C squads in their areas.An M.C.C spokesman at that time stated that from 1989 the Party Unty Squads wee interfering with the M.C.Cwork and even confronting them.In Party Unity�s view in he first clash it was he M.C.C that attacked a P.U member in Chatarpur in Palamau.

The Name of the Comrdae was Ramvilas.In 1989 Comrade Mahendra met a similar fate in Manika Village in Barvahi. Later a dispute took place on the acceptance of Comrade Satnarayan as a member of the M.C.C .In the view of PU.he was an anti-people element.The M.C.C went on to assassinate him in a Peoples Court Trial.The P.U opposed this claiming that though he was bad element it was incorrect to mete out a punishment in such a manner.

In the Dalechauk Baghera retaliation IN 1987 by the Maoist Communist Centre when they organized Dalit families against the Rajput landlords.the P.U Group supported the M.C.C� , but critically..It explained that mass struggle must be adopted and not individual armed action.

From 1992-94 attacks continued by M.C.C but the P.U did not retaliate.In 1995 mutual clashes began between the 2 groups with no avail.On 15th September 1996 one PU. comrade was attacked in Pindrahi in Chatrapur Earlier a similar incident had occurred on August 1995 in Grawah.In 1995 Comrade Dinkar was killed,On 30th December 1996 Lalu Singh of the Party Unity was killd by the M.C.C.On 22nd March 1997 Degan of the P.U was assassinated.

The M.C C launched a military front agisnt the Party Unity.Group..90-100 people from their ranks entered our struggle areas and beat up our activist.Our mass organizations are also attacked.In October 1998,the M.C.C
attacked a meeting and killed aP.U.commander namely,Avdesh Pal as well as 5 other comrades.

In November 19989 I Jehanabad in Kudial villageb a Peoples Court was attacked,.In this encounter the M.K S.P activist In March 1999,in Vishrampur in Palamau village an M.C.C ssquad, attacked apeople�s meeting, and killed 2 P.U.activists namely Comrades Sudhir and Ramsheesh.Comrade Biruj was killed. However the M.C.C holds the P.U responsible for the killings.In their view it started wit P.U� Sattack when Co Satyanarayana was killed by the M.C.C.

Work in West Bengal
The organization launched a serious political movement in West Bengal .It made a consistent effort in isolating the C.P.M.gangs and the pro-landlod forces. Work was one in Malda aera 13 km away from the Bangladesh/est Begal border.This area dose not have many landlords but he surrounding areas have
them.

Several middle peasants became rich in tis area.They garbed the land of the poor peasants.One tyrant from Utar Pradesh called Sadhu Ghosh seized 500 acresof land ad was protetd by the B.S.F.Heenagged himself in smuggling.And dacoity.
In Northern Bengal C.P.M is very stong. There are several people threw o who have seized the land of the peasants..The P.U group worked the under he banner of their peasant organization. It re-captured 90 acrse of illegally seized lan.

A struggle was launched against the Mahajans. In That area all the peasants who wee poor or landless were members of the C.P.M. peasant organsiation-the P.K.M.U.They left that organization to join the Party Unity ranks .With the help of he police force he C.P. tried o suppress the revolutionary fores but displaying courage of steel the revolutionaries thwarted attacks.

The P.U did a sustained campaign propogationg �Election boycott�. The state election were held on 2nd May Several peasants became sympathetic to the Party Unity Forces .On 4th May from all 4 sides landlord forces blocked The people had to bear the wrath of repression an women were raped. From 5th to 9th May state forces openly launched an attack on the Pasty Unity sympathizers in that district.

On 10th May the Party Unity led peasant organization led a delegation to he D.M.S.P.An F.I.R.was launched.This however had no impact on the police.
On the other side of Malda district in Harish Chandrapur Thana the organization did major work. An agitation was launched protesting against Landlords blocking poor peasants from obtaining water. The [Prty Unity
forces heroically resisted the pro C.P.M goons andandlord forcesI 1994 C.P.M gonads and I 1995 a Musli landlord attempted this.In his struggle Comrade Irsad Ali was martyred in the hands of goondas.

In Rankhol-Barokhria the party fought for justice on1000 acres of land which was every year destroyd by floods.T his prevented cultivation o that land. Just before elections a successful struggle as launched on this issue.Even here the C.P.M attacked the revolutionary forces. In Harsishchandrapur the REvolutionay forces launched a convention. As a result o his the C.P.M launched another attack on 13th May 1996 and Corade

Mamrej Ali was martyred.The Police launchd an F.IR on behalf the wife of the martyred comrade and no compensation was given.The revolutionary peasant organization protested this the police attacked them with weapons.

Work started in North Bengal in 1995-96 .Since then till the unity with C.P.I(ML)Peoples War Group a sustained effort was launched to resist he C.P.M forces.After the later 2 mergers forces were consolidated.
In 1997 the Party Unity Group played amajor role in the raly commemorating the 30th anniversary o Naxalabari.

In the July 1999 Issue a Party Unity state secretary(technically hen P.W State secretary as both the groups had merged) was interviewed.I felt likere-producing some of his view points.:Revolution is our strategy. We try to reach the revolution or peoples War from the villages or the cities. There are 3 phases. First when poor agricultural labourers and peasants and broad masses unite.This is the
preaparatory phase for forming the guerilla Zone. The 2nd is forming the Guerilla Zone when revolutionary committees are formed.The 3rd phase is when revolutionary organs of power are firmly established Now strategic or Liberated Zones can be formed.

At present we are I the stage of preparing gueril aZ ones.We place utmost emphasis on carrying out boycott of parliamentary electios as the semi-colonial and semi0feudal India state does not have real bourgeois democracy.We are trying to emulate the ndhra Pradesh experience by building guerilla ones .We have not been able to establish revolutionary peasnt committees,but have effective village comitees.Here mases are organized in self-defence landlords and criminals are tried,progressive metods of production are introduced,illeagally seized land is re-apture,Today our organization has reached the stage of the stirs in Telengana in Andhra Pradesh and Dandkaranya.Peasants are establishing their own rule in such areas.

Analysis of C.P.I(M.L) Party Unity Group

From the time of formation in January 1982 it�s contribution was of historic importance.In many way�s the group had an intermediate line between the C.P.I(M.Liberaton)group and the Maoist Communist Centre.The methods they deployed to create mass movements were a great lesson for revolutionaries ,particularly the methods they deployed to build the Mazdur Kisan Sangram Samiti.A huge range of struggle methods were deployed and a great effort was made to rectify the negative effect of the Charu Mazumdar line.Unlike the Maoist Communist Centre they considered forming a revolutionary peasant organization as integral to the movement.

They made a calculated assault and tactfully first concentrated on exposing the landlord gangs.True the way they connected armed guerilla squads to the peasant organizations was defective ,but still they carried out he mass line to a greater degree than the Maoist Communist Centre or the Liberation Group.It was really remarkable the way they revived the banned Mazdur Kisan Sangraami Samiti which was banned I 1986 to the ‘Jan Sangarm Samiti, ‘’Mazdur Kisan Mukti Manch’ and later I 1994 to the ‘Mazdur Kisan Sangrami Parishad.’

They also led struggles of middle peasants.The author first met their activists in Mumbai in July 1990 when they came on a programme representing the organizations mass revolutionary Front-of 7 mass organsiations �the Lok Sangram Morcha.Activists now clearly understood the revisionist character of Liberation Group�s line.It was attribute that 2 Part Unity mass leaders held open programes against state repression.
.
In the author�s view it is a tribute to he resilience of the Party Unity Group that such a revolutionary mass movement was sustained against a powerful enemy. Movements were formed on alL fronts. In so many spheres truggles were carried out.DEmocartic Rights Struggles,land struggles ,struggles on International issues,struggles against Communnalism.Etc.The work was particularly outstanding in Jehanabad and Palamau and effectively spread to other areas like Gaya,Aurangabad,Khagaria,Buxar,Begusurai Rohtas,Etc.Thee aws graet versatility in the ormsof struggles which even went o the extent of defending fishing rights.


To quite a extent it applied Mao's line of protracted warfare where a base area is consolidated.I was also impressed with the youth organization struggles like cycle rallies Etc.However defective military line led to defective approach in the preparation of guerilla Zones,or their conversion to base areas. The methods used to create armed wings which were attached to mass peasant organizations as a military combat force were also defective.(armed wings attched to the M.K.S S)A correct cohesion was not created between the armed squads or armed wings with the peasant organization nor were appropriate mass revolutionary political platforms always deployed.


The major hurdle of historical importance in the revolutionary movement was the period of armed Group clashes between the squads of the Maoist Communist Centre with the Party Unity Group from the mid 1990-s. Group members attacked and killed each other.It showed the wrong understanding towards mass revolutionary line in certain aspects.This had a damaging effect on the revolutionary movement.It reduced the masses to helpless spectators.


The left-sectarian military tactical line of the Erstwhile Party Unity Group and theErstwhile Maoist Communist Center had a great role to play in this.For a great part of the revolutionary peasant movement the Party Unity activists were martyred at the hands of the Liberation Group.Since the early 90�s this trend was predominant as seversl peasant organisation activists were martyred in the hands of the Liberation Group.Whether it was correct to fight the Liberation Group the manner they did is a debatable point.However the killing of several of their members by the M.C.C was unexplicable.It reflected the weaknesses in political line.Today though a merger of historic importance has taken place.However the line of armed struggle implemented by the C.P.I(Maoist)is basically that of the Maoist Communist Centre and not that of the erstwhile Party Unity Group.(Squads or P.G.A implement virtually the same line of the Maoist Communist Centre)The author is neutral on the group clashes and holds the Party Unity Group as responsible as the Maoist Commmunist Centre.


The author does not take sides and is neutral.Incorrect military line and defective mass revolutionary approach of both the groups was the cause of he clashes.The Party Unity was as responsible as the M.C.C. in the clashes.(Sometimes it started with the P.U)It is significant hat during the clashes the PU.called the M C C a revolutionary Organisation with a defective political line .Inspite of such significant similarities mutually they had this same view of each other.



Sadly in the process of merging into the Peoples War Group and later into the C.P.I(Maoist) the mass revolutionary struggles virtually became defunt.For a long period they carried out armed struggle to certain extent which substantiated the br oad agrarian peasant movement.However laterbecause of defective perception of military line capitulated to left sectarian understanding. One must praise the consistency of the organisation when it merged with the Peoples War Group in 1998.It also played a major role in the formation of the All India Peoples Resistance Forum .In the 1992 and 1994 conferences it played a very significant role in terms of mobilization.It is significant that upto the early 1990s it never launched armed struggle against the State.Even though Peoples War led a big armed movement in Andhra Pradesh it hardly gave the same emphasis on mass peasant organization as Party Unity Group.


The revolutionary democratic methods the organization were heroic-more fitting with the mass line than he other groups now merged into the C.P.I(Maoist).To me no group has combined armed struggle with revolutionary mass movements as the Party Unity Group in he history of Indian revolutionary movement .Above all it promoted armed revolution but with open revolutionary democratic programmes where they united in a broad front with groups of different trends.(Even united with Chatra Yuva Sangharsh Vahin iEtc)


In 1998 the merger of the C.P.M.L(Party Unity)Group with the C.P.I.M.L(Peoples War) group had a positive effect on the consolidation of the guerilla Zone Struggle areas However group clashes between armed suqad members continued between the newly formed Peoples War Group in Bihar with the Maoist Communist Centre. .Fortunately the 2 groups(Now merged into the C.P.I Maoist) had later resolved to stop their clashes and solve their differences. This was a healthy sign as reflected by their recent joint action programmes and their press statement.The final merging of the C.P.I.M.L Peoples War with the Maoist Communist Centre into the C.P.I.Maoist is of great historic significance to the Bihar Revolutionary Movement.) A tendency of �Individual annihilation of the Class Enemy still affected the organization�s line.However I the author�s opinion he current line of he C.P.I(Maoist) is virtuallyT hat of what the Maoist Communist Centre was practicing in terms of military line Bihar. The major defect of the organisation was how to relate the party organization to the open mass Fronts.Often prematurely armed military wings were attached o the peasant organization.


In West Bengal mass front's of the peasants students youth and cultural section fought together for democratic struggles.Heroic movements wee built up in all fronts in the State and the group was the strongest revolutionary Group in the state.In the trade Union Front left sectarian understanding prevented the groups from working towards a broad based trade Union movement.In the student and youth section although there is a revolutionary movement led by the groups(�Go to Village Campaigns�, �go to factories and Slum Campaigns�)there is still a lot of glorification is given to armed squad heroes and mass agrarian revolutionary politics is not upheld. Peasant organization were formed by both groups but there was still lack of cohesive
revolutionary resistance to combat the onslaught of the C.PI.M.revisionist Forces and isolate them.


In Delhi in the time of he Erstwhile Party Unity Group there was a strong student and youth movement which was directed to the agrarian revolutionary movement in Bihar.However now that has virtually diminished after severe bouts of repression in Bihar.I Punjab theErswhile Party Unity Organisation hardly built a mass movement in areas where they worked .They showed defective understanding to concept of mass organization In Punjab during the Khalistani and post Khalistani Movement. Within the Bharatiya Kisan Union they often tried t impose the revolutionary Party Politics and were unable to develop democratic Functioning.


Homage to Martyrs
Let us end the piece paying homage to the martyrs and dip our blood in memory of them.(Martys of organiastion)Red Salutes to, Comrades SunilComrades Dinkar, Lalit Manjhi, Brind Paswan Lakahn, LalBihari, Surendra Ravidas, Ramprasad Yadav and Chenga Manjhi, Comrade Ramsham Bhiah,Biruj Pasawn,Prabhu Paswan,Vinay Yadav,Avad betah and Pyari Bhuiah, Lakhan Manjhi (20 years), Sudeshi Manjhi (19) and Balkishore Manjhi (15):All armed squad members)Comrdae Chanchal,Pankaj,Maju ,Aditya ,Suresh Yadav,Anil Ojha,Krishna Singh, Siddhu Ram,Balmukund Sharma,Gorakah Chowdhury,Jagdish Pasawn ,Mukhiah.Iswar Ali(All mass organization leaders and activists) Etc.From West Bengal is the 20th anniversary year of peasant leader Comrade Bhowmik who was slain by C.P.M goons.Sorry,that I have not got a complete list of the martyrs.


I must also give particular mention to Comrade Dadachi Rai ,who played the role of a crusader till his martyrdom on May 25th 2002, at the hands of a police platoon from Vishrampur,Chahtarpur,Japla and Harhiganj etc./.Known as Patelji this valiant son of the soil played a major role in keeping the peasant organization,the Mazdur Kisan Angram Samiti on the revolutionary road.After the Arwal massacre in 1986,the state conference of the peasant organization was held underground ,wher Patelji was elected secretary of he re-organised ‘Jan Sangram Samiti.’ In 1988.Patelji was the convenor of the Palamu,Aurangabad and Rohtas branches.In 1990 he led unions in coal mines and in 1988 was elected to the party area committee From 1990 he was hehaed of he entire Koel-Kaimur reginal committee where he became a popular mass leader. Later on he was arrested soand from 1995 he went underground.He re-organsied he scattered forces ,played an active role in the 1997 conference of he Party UNiy Organisatin and in 2001 was elected as secretary of the Party’s Palamu,Garwah region


The first martyr of the revolutionary peasant movement was comrade Krishna Singh in 1984.This beloved comrade came from the ranks of the poor peasantry. He failed to complete his school education and took up a job as a casual labourer in Calcutta in a jute mill.On returning to Bihar he worked as a bus conductor in the State transport co-operation. At the call of Naxalbari he became actively involved in the peasant struggle in Aurangabad.He also organised the workers of Japla Cement factory when he was arrested. On being released he began to organise the peasantry and became the secretary of the M.K.S.S on June 17th 1984 while conducting a meeting at Jharha in Palamau district he was attacked by a landlord. At first the peasants stood up but the landlord re-appeared with a bunch of goondas and forced the peasants to flee.Showing great tenacity Krishna Singh continued to speak but tragically was gunned down. This comrade was a flower that bloomed as later several peasant activists were to lay down their lives for the cause of emancipation. The commemoration meeting held for this comrade was one of the most emotional ever seen in Bihar.


In May 1995 Comrade Chanchal was martyred,.His career started 20 years ago when he came into contact with he Bharat Naujavan Sabha in 1988. Who was the leader of the Democratic Students Union. Comrade Chanchal was martyred in 1995.This comrade's real name was Shivrat Kumar.Chanchal played a major role in the building of the Bharat Naujavan Sabha in Jehanabad district valiantly resisting both state and landlord terror.He organised student and youth struggles against feehike,against doctors not attending work in hospitals and against and against malpractices and corruption of jail authorities. He also helped build the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Parishad.During the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition in December 1992 by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad Comrade Chanchal organised statewide protest protesting the communal terror.He organised and adressed cycle and torch rallies in Jehanabad and Palamau districts. It was ironical that Chanchal was killed by his own relatives! This comrade's death planted the seeds for new revolutionary youth to bloom.


In February 12th 1998 Anil Ojha was martyred.(10th death anniversary year) His death was the result of police torture and negligence of hospital authorities. nil was born in Chapra district and had also been a cultural activist.Anil had led student struggles in Patna University against the Principal Waaris Haadi,who not only extorted funds but supported criminals.(Bihar's educational administration is controlled by criminal gangs)Anil had earlier organised go-to-village campaigns in Khagaria district where he helped build flood-relief struggle commitees to fight against the government's criminal neglect of the masses during floods. nil had earlier bravely resisted police torture in a Goto Village campaign in 1995 in Palamau district. His death was a severe blow to the revolutionary movement. Similarly Comrade Arjun of the Revolutionary Student's league was martyred on May 10th 1995.Arjun relentlessly built the Revolutionary Students League fighting for partial and political issues.


He also carried out Go-to Village campaigns supporting the Chinese Revolution,opposing the Babri Masjid demolition and the death sentence awarded in December 1992 against 11 M.C.C activists involved in the Dalechauk -Bhaghera massacre.
Pankaj was a major architect in the building of the revolutionary youth organisation,the Bharat Naujavan Sabha in Palamau district.He wholeheartedly participated in struggles against corrupt jail authorities ,criminal negligence of doctors to patients in hospitals ,against corrupt principals and criminal gangs controlling the college administration and for economic demands of students.eg.Protesting fee-hikes.Pankaj raised his powerful voice against the U.S.Attacks on Iraq in the Gulf War in 1991 organising a cycle rally in protest in Daltangonj.Pankaj also meticulously organised the peasant youth in struggles for release of political prisoners and in protest against killing of peasants by criminal landlord senas or police encounters. After his death his father wrote a most inspiring letter saying that he would shed no tears for his son as his martyrdom is an inspiration to youth allover the country. He also described how day -night his only worries were concerning the lives of the toiling poor peasantry.


His discussions with people solely revolved around the toiling masses. From Bhagalpur Central jail,Arvind Kumar, the secretary of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti ,who was languishing in jail wrote” We were so close to this comrade, he had as much hatred for the ruling classes as he loved the masses. He had absolute faith in the invincibility of MaoTse Tung thought. After the martyrdom of certain comrades he left his studies to become an activist of the revolutionary movement and thus underwent transformation in his life."


Manju,was perhaps one of the most daring women comrades to participate in the revolutionary movement. She reminded revolutionary ranks of the women comrades who laid down their lives in the Telengana Struggle playing a great role in the tribal movement. . She heroically organised women through the Nari Mukti Sangharsh committee and valiantly combated police attacks. She organised huge protests against rapes by landlord elements and made a major contribution in mobilising women comrades in the revolutionary movement. She reverberated echoes of women comrades who fought in the Chinese revolution as well as the Great Patriotic War.


However the martyr who is etched most in my memory is Comrade Sunil (also called Prakash or Nirmal)who was martyred in Gumla Village in May 1999.His life story is one of he most inspiring in the annals of history of the revolutionary Movement.Sunil sacrificed all ambitions of a carer thoug he stood 6th in the LLB.examinations.Sunil was baptised into revolutionary politics in 1988 when he came in touch with the Party Unity Organisation.Earlier he was part of a revolutionary youth circle Shovipras and propogated the thinking of Bhagat Singh. In Delhi’s Basti areas.Sunil was the founding membr of the Youth organisatin, ‘The Bharat Naujavan Sangh’ I Deli I 1989.Latr he participated I the fisrt ever Go o village camapaign by the Youth organisaton in 1992 I Palamau.


Now,Sunil became a professional revolutionary and worked for the party Organisation in Bihar.Sunil played a graet role in the education of party cadre and was he secretary of the Gumla Committee.In 1992 he was made the Garwah area secretary.From 1994 he became a trainer of military work.From 1995 he was leading struggles in the Koel-Kemur Zone .He made a strong assessment of the potential and capabilities iof revolutionary struggle in the region particularly in light of building mass organizations.In 1995 he was elected to the State Committee.From 1995 theparty had taken a decision to build a guerilla Zone .Comrdea Sunilo ,now in the name of Nirmal concentrated his work in the jungle regions.Previously he had played a major role in the bulding opf peasant and mass organizations being in the state Committee.’He displayed utmost humilty whn dealing with cadres.Sunil was in 1997 put in charge of the Military Affairs Committee.After the merger of the PU wih the PW group he aws appointed in charge of the SCOMA0Central Sub Comitee of Military Affars.


On May 10th in Chainpur(Guramgadh) he succumbed ina police encounter after 20 mins of valiant defiance.In Gumla district he was leading a battle of the tribals and villagers against the notoriety of the contractors In that area Birla Group and other Corporate Groups had a monopoly in the Bauxite mines sector.It deployed smaller capitalists to supply them with Bauxite material for manufacturing aluminium.a jungle mafia-contractor combine to extract huge profirs rom the tribal workers.The employees in the region suffered ubnder the tyranny of the contractor-jungle mafiai combine who extracted money from them .In previous days before his martyrdom he led his squad to heroically resist the police.Sunil laid the seeds for several Red Flowers o bloom is martyrdom was reminiscent of a red light being extinguished.


I thank activists like Arjun Prasad Singh,then convenor of Bihar All India Peoples Resistance Forum.I visited Bihar in Octobr 2001 and also met stuent leader Amitabh.State A.I.P.R.F secretary Sachidanand Prabahat, M.K S ecretary Naveen Etc.I bow dow to he achievements of all the leaders and activists of the organization throughout it's history.